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                        '96 ELECTION SNAPSHOT
                               VOL.1 #7


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CONTENTS:
   DOLE TURNS ATTENTION TO PRESIDENT AFTER NEW YORK PRIMARY WIN
   REPUBLICAN PARTY LEADER BARBOUR SAYS NO WINNER YET
   BUCHANAN'S FUTURE
   DOLE OUTLOOK
   U.S. WORKERS ECONOMIC ANXIETY
   FORMER CBO HEAD SAYS NO BUDGET AGREEMENT UNTIL AFTER ELECTIONS
   NEW YORK PRIMARY
   U.S. OPINION ROUNDUP: BOB DOLE
   DOLE MIAMI VISIT
   DOLE ANTICIPATES MORE OF THE SAME ON SUPER TUESDAY 
   DOLE WIN IN SOUTH CAROLINA PRIMARY KEEPS HIM FRONT RUNNER 
   CANDIDATES' REMARKS ON THE ISRAELI-PALESTINIAN ISSUE
   THE WORLD BEYOND THE FLAT TAX, ACCORDING TO FORBES 
   EUROPEAN ALLIES REPORTEDLY RELIEVED BY DOLE SUCCESSES
   TREATMENT OF KEYES CALLED SHAMEFUL
   EDITORIAL EXCERPTS
   DOLE KNOCKS ALEXANDER AND LUGAR FROM RACE
   CAMPAIGN '96: JUNIOR TUESDAY'S PRIMARIES
   BUCHANAN SAYS HE WILL CAMPAIGN ALL THE WAY TO THE CONVENTION
   ANTI-BUCHANAN REPUBLICANS HOLD NEWS CONFERENCE
   CAMPAIGN '96: CONSERVATISM: THE REAGAN COALITION
   COLORADO PRESIDENTIAL PRIMARY
   SCHLESINGER ON EXPENSE OF RUNNING FOR PRESIDENT
   DOLE WINS BIG IN JUNIOR TUESDAY CONTESTS, VOTING BREAKDOWN
   DOLE WINS GEORGIA
   CAMPAIGN '96: AMERICAN CONSERVATISM: THE ROOTS
   MORE CONGRESSIONAL RETIREMENTS
   THE FIRST SESSION OF CONGRESS 1789
   FRANKLIN ROOSEVELT'S FIRST INAUGURATION 1933
   =========================
   ---------------
   DOLE TURNS ATTENTION TO PRESIDENT AFTER NEW YORK PRIMARY WIN

   DAVID PITTS
   WASHINGTON

   Senator Bob Dole, following his landslide victory in the New
York primary, turned his attention to the Democratic opposition
rather than his Republican competition, saying "the era of Bill
Clinton is over."
   Speaking in Clearwater, Florida, a confident Dole called the
results of the March 7 balloting in the Empire State -- in which
he won 92 of 93 national convention delegates at stake -- "an
overwhelming statement of Republican unity." He also said his
party should have "room for many points of view."
   Dole gained the New York delegates by capturing 53 percent of
the vote. Steve Forbes had 30 percent, and Pat Buchanan 14
percent.
   According to the Associated Press, the total delegate count
now stands as follows: Dole 382; Forbes 73; Buchanan 62;
uncommitted 32. A candidate needs 996 to be nominated.
   CNN reported its exit polling revealed that experience in
Washington was a factor in favor of a candidate, the first time
this year the polling has shown this. The exit polls also
indicated that to those people voting for Dole, jobs and the
economy were the most important factors. Taxes was the salient
issue for those voting for Forbes, and abortion the main issue
for Buchanan voters.
   NBC's exit polls revealed that two-thirds of New Yorkers
thought Buchanan too extreme, the highest percentage in any state
that has held a primary so far. Most voters also said they
opposed the flat tax, the issue championed by Forbes.
   Dole was supported by Governor George Pataki in New York, but
not fully by New York City Mayor Rudolph Giuliani, who announced
that he would vote for Dole but not endorse him.
   Both Dole and Forbes were on the ballot statewide; Buchanan
was in 23 of the state's 31 districts. This somewhat unusual
situation is a consequence of unique rules set up by the state
Republican Party in New York.
   For more than 40 years, the party there has required
candidates to collect 1,250 signatures per congressional district
or five percent of the total Republican registration to be on the
ballot. Both thresholds are considered so high that only
candidates backed by the Republican leadership have ever managed
to get enough signatures. This year, New York Republican Senator
Alphonse D'Amato, a strong Dole supporter, used these
longstanding rules to try to limit Dole's competition.
   However, two federal court rulings arising from lawsuits filed
by Forbes, among others, went against the party, allowing Forbes
to get on the ballot statewide and Buchanan to get on the ballot
in many more districts than was originally the case. Experts say
this indicates an important principle of the rule of law -- that
even though in a democracy political parties may devise their own
rules for the selection of candidates, they are subject to
judgment by the courts.
   In an interview on CNN, Forbes called the results a "moral
victory," claiming credit for the legal rulings. As a result, all
future New York primaries "will be open," he remarked.
   The next big contest in the fight for the Republican
nomination -- the biggest yet -- is Super Tuesday, March 12. On
that day, voters in six states will go to the polls. In addition
to Mississippi (31 delegates), Oklahoma (38 delegates), Oregon
(23 delegates), Tennessee (38 delegates) and Louisiana (9), the
big states of Texas (123 delegates) and Florida (98 delegates)
also will hold their primaries.
   ---------------   

   ---------------
   REPUBLICAN PARTY LEADER BARBOUR SAYS NO WINNER YET

   DON HENRY
   WASHINGTON

   The Republican Party National Committee is not yet ready to
declare front-running Senator Bob Dole the winner of the party's
presidential nomination. The national committee chairman Friday
declined to say it is time for other challengers to get out of
the race.
   Chairman Haley Barbour told a Washington news conference the
end seems to be in sight, but he is not yet ready to suggest that
contenders Pat Buchanan and Steve Forbes end their quest for the
Republican presidential nomination:
   "I think it's premature for us to say that this is over, that
there has been a clear decision. However, certainly there is a
very, very obvious trend and if it continues much longer then it
will be clear who the Republican voters of the United States have
chosen, and after that we will start to treat him as the
nominee."
   The chairman said that despite frequent attacks by the
contenders on Senator Dole during the primaries, the party will
be united behind the nominee long before the national nominating
convention in August.
   Mr. Barbour expects that by the end of March, the national
committee can begin to coordinate election strategies with the
nominee.
   The national committee chairman called the news conference to
announce formation of what he called a Republican truth squad. He
said the job of four full-time staff members and perhaps 100
partisans around the country will be to counteract what Mr.
Barbour called deceptions being spread by the Clinton
administration.
   As an example, Mr. Barbour said President Clinton last year
accused Republicans of cutting school nutrition funding in their
balanced budget proposal. In reality, Mr. Barbour said, both the
Republicans and the White House have proposed identical school
lunch program increases.
   Because Republicans and Democrats in congress also have
disagreed sharply about the financial impact of each other's
school lunch proposals, it's expected this truth squad salvo may
produce counter fire from the Democrats.
   ---------------

   ---------------
   BUCHANAN'S FUTURE

   DAVID SWAN
   SENATE

   The American presidential campaign has changed dramatically
this past week, with Republican Senator Bob Dole sweeping a round
of primary elections and three of his rivals dropping out.
Conservative commentator Pat Buchanan is still in the race, and
Republicans are starting to wonder if his presence will hurt the
party in the months ahead.
   "They said 'lets all get aboard with the winner'. And they all
got aboard. And the train's not moving. Meanwhile, meanwhile,
there's a Dixie express coming through here."
   Barely three weeks ago, Pat Buchanan had good reason to be
enthused. He upset Senator Dole in the crucial New Hampshire
primary and took his campaign to what seemed like friendly
territory in the south. But since winning New Hampshire he has
lost everywhere else. A few days ago, he told NBC television it
would take a near-miracle to stop Mr. Dole:
   "I don't see it right now. Its possible. But there's no doubt
Senator Dole's nomination appears inevitable."
   Mr. Buchanan's fiery rhetoric on abortion, morality,
immigration and trade protectionism won converts at first. It
also brought down a barrage of criticism from the other
candidates, who denounced him as an extremist.
   Even as he ended his own campaign last Wednesday, former
Tennessee Governor Lamar Alexander kept up the attack:
   "I will lend my own weight, whatever weight that may be, to
stopping and discouraging this negativism, hunkered-down,
pessimistic view of America that is all conjured up in
Buchananism. I mean, the idea of Pat Buchanan as president is not
a serious idea."
   Many Republicans seem to agree. Surveys show most of those
voting in the latest primaries think Mr. Buchanan's views are too
extreme and he could never beat President Clinton. But no matter
what happens in the rest of this primary season, Mr. Buchanan
vows to campaign all the way to the party's national convention:
   "I think we're going to go forward and represent the people
who are still unrepresented by the Washington establishment of
the Republican party, which has much more in common quite frankly
with Bill Clinton than it does with middle America."
   The commentator declines to say he would definitely endorse
Mr. Dole if, as expected, he becomes the nominee. In public at
least, party leaders say they are not worried about Mr. Buchanan
splitting the ranks and draining away votes. Republican national
chairman Haley Barbour predicts the party will pull together
before the convention delegates gather in San Diego (California)
in August:
   "We're united around ideas. We've made politics about ideas
and issues. And the one thing the press never reports is that
every Republican candidate for president, including Pat Buchanan,
is for smaller government, lower taxes, less spending, fewer
regulations, a balanced budget."
   But the sight of Pat Buchanan in San Diego could be still
worrisome for Republicans. At the 1992 convention, he appeared on
prime-time television and gave what was widely considered an
inflammatory, divisive speech. Most political experts say he and
other hardline conservatives drove away moderate or independent
voters, which hampered President Bush in the race against
then-Governor Clinton.
   If he is nominated, Mr. Dole must try to win over Buchanan
supporters without moving too far right. Analyst Norman Ornstein
says the senator would be hurt by another prime-time speech or by
having to battle the Buchanan forces over the party platform:
   "If he has to start coming to the bargaining table on platform
issues like abortion and on trade questions, if he has to really
think hard about his vice-presidential nominee in terms of not
what it'll mean for the general election but just getting through
a rocky convention it is a major, major headache."
   Mr. Ornstein says the senator can minimize the damage by
beating Mr. Buchanan soundly in the remaining primaries. That
would leave him few convention delegates and little leverage.
Otherwise, Mr. Dole could face the same kind of crisis that
wounded Mr. Bush four years ago.
   ---------------

   ---------------
   DOLE OUTLOOK

   BARBARA SCHOETZAU
   NEW YORK

   After his landslide victory in Thursday's Republican
presidential primary in New York, some political observers say
Senator Robert Dole's momentum is beginning to look unstoppable.
   It was no surprise that the Senate majority leader scored a
victory in New York's Republican primary contest. Mr. Dole had
the support of virtually every Republican leader in the state and
the party's powerful statewide organization. But the breadth of
Mr. Dole's support, following his wins earlier in the week in
eight other states, has given an air of inevitability to his
campaign.
   Mr. Dole won all of the 93 delegates at stake in the New York
race. Another nine delegates will be chosen by the state party
leadership. So, New York will send 102 Dole delegates, the third
largest delegation, to the party's presidential nominating
convention in August. Mr. Dole has won more than one-third of the
996 delegates needed to take his party's presidential nomination.
   Republican consultant Stephen Salmore says Mr. Dole will have
the Republican nomination assured by the end of this month,
giving him, and the party, the chance to begin the real campaign
in earnest:
   "This is really very early in the primary season to have
settled on the nominee. I think it really works to his advantage
because with Bill Clinton not having any opposition on the
Democratic side, this permits Dole to settle down and start
developing a message and let the public focus on the election
that really matters: The one in November between Dole and
Clinton."
   Senator Dole scored a formidable victory in New York because
he was able to win in all parts of the state and among all
demographic groups. But his two chief rivals, businessman Steve
Forbes and commentator Pat Buchanan, say they intend to stay in
the race. Mr. Buchanan has a strong following among socially
conservative voters, particularly those opposed to abortion. He
says that despite the voting results he and his followers will
dominate the Republican nominating convention.
   Stephen Salmore, who teaches politics at Rutgers University in
New Jersey, says it is difficult for Mr. Buchanan to talk about
dominating the party when he has not won more than 30 percent of
the vote in any of the primary elections:
   "I think that the Republican primary voters are speaking for
the party and what they are saying consistently, over and over
again, is that Pat Buchanan only commands the loyalty of a small
minority. Now certainly that is a critical minority. I think
every party would like to keep as united as it can. There is a
long time between march and August, when the convention occurs,
for Bob Dole to put together the kind of coalition and message
that will keep most Republicans voting for the ticket."
   Professor Salmore says Mr. Buchanan would deeply wound the
party, however, if he were to run as an independent and lure
social conservatives away from the Republican candidate. But exit
polls of Republican primary voters in New York show that Mr. Dole
was able to attract the votes of many social conservatives:
   "The interesting thing about Bob Dole and the reason why he is
doing well is he is fairly competitive among socially
conservative voters. Pat Buchanan's message only resonates with
those in the very conservative wing of the party who are
primarily interested in social issues, not economic issues. Those
people who are concerned about the economy and jobs
overwhelmingly voted for Dole. But Bob Dole is acceptable to
quite a few members of the Christian Coalition and religious
right."
   While exit polls indicated broad support for Mr. Dole across
different wings of the Republican Party, the surveys also point
to a potential area of weakness. About half of the voters
interviewed said Mr. Dole has no new ideas. Some political
analysts think this could be a problem for the Dole campaign
similar to the one that plagued President George Bush in 1992 and
became known, in political shorthand, as the "vision thing." But
professor Salmore says voters equate new ideas with something
they do not currently like much: Government programs:
   "When many of our presidents have run and been very successful
they have run not on the basis of new ideas but on the basis of
steady leadership, consolidating the gains that have already been
made and a steady hand in foreign policy. Bob Dole has made it
very clear that he is running to consolidate the gains that were
made by the Republican Congress and can be a president who will
work with the Congress. I think many voters will find that very
attractive. Bill Clinton has a new idea every day but I am not
sure that makes him a better candidate and I am not sure that is
the standard to run on."
   Mr. Dole is campaigning in the south where he hopes to win a
series of primaries this coming Tuesday, an event known as "Super
Tuesday." He has repeatedly called on his rivals to join him in
unifying the Republican party and focusing attention where he
says it ought to be, on the general election in November.
   ---------------

   ---------------
   U.S. WORKERS ECONOMIC ANXIETY

   LINDA CASHDAN
   WASHINGTON

   When communism collapsed in Europe, capitalism was hailed as
the key to global prosperity.
   However, today, a little more than six years after the Berlin
Wall fell, unbridled capitalism is being called into question in
the very country that has long been the bastion of free market
economics, the United States. Newspapers and magazines across the
country have begun decrying corporate greed and worrying about
the plight of the American worker. The cover of a recent issue of
Newsweek magazine has pictures of the top officers of several
U.S. corporations. Under each face, the news magazine lists the
man's multimillion-dollar annual salary, coupled with precise
estimates of the tens of thousands of workers his corporation is
firing in the interest of cost cutting.
   A headline introducing a seven-part New York Times series on
the downsizing of America reads: "On The Battlefields Of
Business, Many Casualties." The normally conservative
Businessweek magazine worries in its cover story that
"U.S.workers are losing faith in their ability to prosper."
   No one seems to doubt the country's ability to prosper,
however. The U.S. economy is in the midst of a four-year recovery
that has created eight-million new jobs. Unemployment is down and
so is inflation, and the U.S. stock market has been soaring for
more than a year.
   Is it possible that the U.S. economy is prospering while its
work force is not?
   For years U.S. liberals have been decrying the plight of the
poor working man as conservatives have hailed the prosperity
created by the free market economy. The plight of the working man
suddenly became a national topic, however, when arch-conservative
Republican Pat Buchanan won the New Hampshire presidential
primary with statements like:
   "One fellow came up to me and said, 'I know there are jobs out
there, Pat. I got four of them.' this is what is happening in
America. The middle class and working folks who work with hands,
tools and machines are left out. Their real incomes are going
down. Middle class incomes are going down. Listen, what is coming
is economic nationalism, economic patriotism. We are leading it.
The whole Republican party's moving my way. The country's moving
my way."
   Subsequent presidential primaries indicate the country may not
be moving Mr. Buchanan's way on other issues. However, Mr.
Buchanan's "economic nationalism", which suggests closing U.S.
borders to protect American jobs, struck such a responsive chord,
it sent the economists, and pollsters, scurrying to figure out
why.
   According to economist Barry Bluestone of the University of
Massachusetts:
   "If you look back from 1947 to 1973, the great glory days of
the American economy, wages were rising in inflation adjusted
dollars by 60 percent. With women returning to the labor force in
the 60s and 70s in the same proportion as in World War II, family
incomes doubled. Poverty was declining and it would decline by
half during the 1960s alone. Family income inequality was
declining. Those in the bottom fifth of the income distribution
saw their incomes rise as much as those in the top fifth. These
were the glory days."
   It has become increasingly apparent in the two decades since,
Mr. Bluestone says, that the glory days are over:
   "Average weekly earnings, controlling for inflation, are down
19 percent. Family income today at the median is no higher than
it was in 1979. We have in a sense, democratized unemployment in
America. Today it's not only the blue collar worker who faces
high rates of unemployment but increasingly white collar workers,
technical workers, professional workers. Inequality has been
rising sharply since the late 1970s and early 80s. We are
developing a country that has a set of haves at the top, a
growing proportion of families who are in some sense economic
has-beens, and we are developing a group of many who are economic
have-nots."
   Other economists tend to agree. A dozen or more recently
published economic studies that have followed the same
individuals for several decades indicate that while upward
mobility has been increasing at the top of the ladder, workers at
the bottom have become less likely to move up. Economist Stephen
Rose came to that conclusion after following the careers of a
group of men during the 1970s and 1980s:
   "If the 70s were characterized by a ladder in the beginning in
which everybody on the ladder kind of moved up at the same rate,
in the 80s if you started out at the bottom then you didn't take
part in the growth. You had a much higher percentage than the 70s
of not being able to have a positive career experience."
   Greg Duncan, an economist at Northwestern University in
Chicago who studied workers in the 1970s, 80s, and 90s, says his
research indicates an erosion of the U.S. middle class:
   "What we're finding in looking at where the middle class has
gone is a very mixed story that is almost half good news and half
bad news. The rate of downward mobility among lower middle class
families has been substantially higher in the 80s and early 90s
than it was in the late 60s, but at the same time, the rate of
upward mobility among upper middle class families has also been
more favorable. So you're getting a shrinking middle class but
it's shrinking because of a combination of very unfortunate
unfavorable developments for some families and quite favorable
developments for other families who are succeeding in climbing
out of the middle class."
   The United States has long prided itself on being a country
where moving from rags to riches was a viable possibility. Greg
Duncan says his research indicates that is less true today. He
compared the number of poor people in the United States who
managed to pull themselves out of poverty during a given year
with the progress of poor workers in five countries in Europe.
The United States ranked last. Whereas 44 percent of the poor in
the Netherlands had managed to move up, and 28 percent in France,
he says only 17 percent of white Americans climbed out of
poverty, and only eight percent of black Americans:
   "What was striking is that, there was a very uniform incidence
of harder times, lower economic mobility among groups defined by
race or class. People coming from advantaged backgrounds, from
parents with incomes that are fairly high, had an easier time of
getting to those thresholds than people with more disadvantaged
backgrounds."
   Americans may be having trouble moving up, says Senate
minority leader Tom Daschle, but they appear to have no trouble
moving. During the 1970s, he says, pointing to a chart prepared
by economists, ten percent of American workers changed jobs at
least four times in one decade:
   "But look what's happened now in the 1980s. That has more than
doubled. We're at about 25 percent. One in four working Americans
has actually changed jobs, not once, not twice, but four times in
a period of ten years. Clearly the situation is becoming
extraordinary."
   What is more, Senator Daschle says, workers' benefits are
being eroded as employers cut back on costs:
   "What this chart says is that 87 percent of high school
graduates had some form of health insurance in 1979. The yellow
line shows what's happened since. Now only 54 percent of high
school graduates who are working have any kind of health
insurance."
   In the 1970s and 80s, economist Stephen Rose says, unskilled
industrial workers were the key job losers. In the 1990s,
however, college educated professionals have lost jobs due to
corporate downsizing. This by no means indicates that a majority
of American workers have either lost their jobs or seen their
incomes fall. Indeed, Mr. Rose says, the incomes of almost
50-million American workers have increased more than 20 percent
over the last 15 years. However, because of the recent pattern of
corporate downsizing, and the publicity it has received, he says
a sense of economic anxiety has begun to filter through the
entire workforce:
   "So what does it mean? It means that many more people are
losers, and losers are not happy people, so there's a lot more
social tension. But even among the winners I would argue that
there's a demonstration effect. As your neighbor loses out
through no fault of his or her own, you tend to worry yourself,
so I think there has been a fairly large rise in the level of
anxiety, and certainly we sense that, and the newspapers are
getting more and more stories on this, and some of this data
shows it.."
   Everyone has begun searching for causes. Some point to world
trade, the fact that American workers' jobs are at stake because
they are now competing with low wage workers in other countries.
House minority leader Richard Gephardt believes the structural
and technological changes that have occurred in the United States
with the advent of the information age have played a significant
role:
   "We really believe that this time we're transiting through,
the challenge that we face is very much like what America faced
in the 1890s and 1900s that we call the industrial revolution,
when we went from being an agriculturally based economy to an
industrial economy. The response of the American people to that
transition was not immediately known. It took a number of years
and successive administrations of presidents and congresses in
order to mount an effective answer to those problems. The
problems we see today, it is important to understand, are not
just economic problems."
   John Sweeney, the new president of America's big labor
federation, the AFL/CIO, says the dwindling power of organized
labor in the United States in recent decades has meant that
working men and women have had no protectors in the face of major
change:
   "It's not just happenstance that our nation's 20-year wage
decline has coincided with a 20-year decline in the power and the
effectiveness of the labor movement. I firmly believe that strong
unions are vital to a thriving, high wage economy, but quite
frankly, we haven't been holding up our end of the stick. Our
problem is stagnant wages. America needs a raise! The solution is
a larger stronger, smarter labor movement. We're going to renew
and rebuild our labor movement by pouring vast resources into
organizing and into politics."
   Mr. Gephardt and Mr. Sweeney agree, however, that more than
trade, structural change, and trade union weakness is at fault.
They, and increasing numbers of Americans with them, believe many
U.S. corporations have taken advantage of the enormous economic
change that has occurred in recent years. Senator Charles
Lieberman, a Democrat, says American firms are doing better than
American workers because many companies have become greedy
predators. With both profits and executive salaries soaring, he
says, these companies are insisting they must nonetheless lay off
workers to "remain competitive." When they say "remain
competitive," Senator Lieberman says, they mean "keep more money
for the top executive":
   "While wages for four out of five workers are stagnating or
falling, our capital markets are thriving. Look at the stock
market and the soaring numbers on the stock market. For the first
time in my look back, in 60 years, our capital markets and labor
markets are out of sync. Traditionally, as the capital markets
went up, the labor markets, and by that I mean the well being of
American workers, have gone up together. That lack of sync is a
very serious problem for the future of America and the ability of
American workers to realize the American dream."
   More than 30 years ago, President John Kennedy said "a rising
tide lifts all ships," referring to the fact that overall
national economic prosperity benefited every segment of the
population. Today, says Senator Liebermans, it appears that a
rising tide is only lifting the luxury yachts:
   "One CEO (chief executive officer of a corporation) was given
last year a stock option bonus plan worth over 10 million
dollars. He happens to be he same CEO who recently stung the
country and deepened anxiety in the country by announcing the
layoff of 40,000 of his own workers."
   The time has come, the U.S. legislators say, to try to figure
out a way to encourage corporations to understand the long term
power and importance of their human capital.
   House minority leader Richard Gephardt:
   "There is not a distinction between profits and people. In
fact they are inextricably intertwined, and the corporations that
are succeeding most in our society are the corporations that are
not just listening to the quarterly profit signal but are looking
at the long haul and how you can get massive increases in
productivity if you simply invest in and deal with people
properly. And a real subject of discussion is: What is it
effective and appropriate for government to do to try to induce
and encourage and cajole the kind of behavior and decision-making
by corporate leaders that is in their long term self interest,
and the interest of the economy and the people who work for
them?"
   The democratic leadership in both Houses of Congress have come
up with one answer to that question, government incentives to
encourage industry to do what should be done. The Democrats'
proposal offers strikingly lower taxes for corporations that
invest in their employees and communities.
   Congressman Jeff Bingaman was the chief architect of the plan:
   "The idea would be that a corporation, when it filed its tax
return, would self certify that it is meeting certain criteria,
it is investing in its workers, investing in their economic
security through pensions and profit sharing, investing in their
training and education, investing in their health care, by
agreeing to pay up to 50 percent of the cost of a basic health
plan. Also, indicating that they are investing in plant and
equipment and employment here in this country to the extent that
they are making investments for additional production in this
market. We make it very specific that we are trying to encourage
investment in this country to meet the demands in this market to
the extent that we can."
   For two decades now, according to the Democrats sponsoring the
measure, U.S. corporations have been accountable only to their
shareholders. The results have not been good for the country as a
whole.
   Such a plan will probably be greeted with howls of indignation
from congressional champions of unfettered markets when it is
introduced in Congress. However, its promoters believe the
proposal will at least create a long overdue debate on corporate
accountability in the United States.
   If arch conservative Republican presidential candidate Pat
Buchanan has anything to say about it, a debate will take place
in the Republican Party as well. In a speech recently, Mr.
Buchanan pointed to IBP, a meat packing firm in Iowa, as an
example of capitalism gone awry:
   "Let's take IBP. Real wages on the floor if IBP went down 40
percent in 15 years. That's a depression. The wages of the guy
running the show went from 400 thousand to four point five
million. If that's what capitalism means, I can't defend it
anymore. And I'm a conservative. I'm a free enterpriser. I'm a
capitalist. These people with these obscene salaries which
explode and expand with stock options at the very moment they lop
off ten thousand workers, if we're Republicans defending that, we
don't deserve the support of workers."
   Republican presidential aspirant Pat Buchanan has touched a
chord that likely will resonate throughout the U.S. presidential
campaign.
   ---------------

   ---------------
   FORMER CBO HEAD SAYS NO BUDGET AGREEMENT UNTIL AFTER ELECTIONS

   BRECK ARDERY
   NEW YORK

   Robert Reischauer, the former head of the U.S. Congressional
Budget Office, said Friday there will probably be no budget
agreement between Congress and President Clinton until after the
November elections.
   Mr. Reischauer, who directed the Congressional Budget Office
when the Democrats were in control of Congress, says the
Republican-controlled Congress made three critical mistakes in
its effort to bring about a balanced budget deal.
   First, he says Congress reduced spending by too much,
especially funding for programs for low-income Americans. That,
in Mr. Reischauer's view, created the perception that the
Republican plan was unfair and singled out the most vulnerable
groups for spending cuts. Secondly, he argues that, by insisting
on tax cuts at the same time government spending was being
reduced, Republicans created the impression that they favored
upper income Americans. Lastly, Mr. Reischauer says that because
many Republicans made deficit reduction into a moral crusade, it
was impossible to compromise with President Clinton.
   In addition, Mr. Reischauer believes the Republicans badly
miscalculated when they thought that temporarily shutting down
major parts of the U.S. government would cause President Clinton
to go along with their plan.
   Speaking to a business conference sponsored by the conference
board, a private business research group, Mr. Reischauer said he
doubts there will be any budget agreement before the November
elections in the United States:
   "After all the months of negotiating and wrangling, we will
probably have no substantial deficit reduction package enacted
into law. This does not mean that nothing will happen. The
appropriation bills that have gone through Congress and the ones
that will be approved in the next few weeks will bring down
discretionary spending."
   Mr. Reischauer says the political season in the United States
is working against a compromise between the White House and
Congress on a balanced budget bill. He indicated that both
president Clinton and Senator Robert Dole, the likely Republican
candidate for president, would rather have the issue to debate
than complete a deal.
   ---------------

   ---------------
   NEW YORK PRIMARY

   BARBARA SCHOETZAU
   NEW YORK

   In the quest for the Republican presidential nomination,
Senator Robert Dole continued his sweep of Republican primaries
Thursday in New York. Mr. Dole won at least 89 of the 93
delegates at stake in the New York race.
   Voters in New York gave Mr Dole an overwhelming victory
against his two competitors for the Republican presidential
nomination, businessman Steve Forbes and television commentator
Pat Buchanan.
   Mr. Dole won across the board in New York, in rural and urban
communities, among conservatives voters and in pockets of liberal
Republicans in New York City and its suburbs.
   Mr. Dole's victory was not a surprise. He had the support of
the formidable state Republican Party organization and almost
every Republican leader in New York. He was the only candidate on
the ballot statewide until a week ago when a federal court ruled
the Republican party's restrictive ballot-access rules
unconstitutional. The court decision ordered Mr. Forbes on the
ballot statewide and put Mr. Buchanan on the ballot in about
two-thirds of the state.
   Mr. Dole heard the news of his New York win in Florida where
he is campaigning for another primary contest next week. He urged
his competitors to stop fighting him and begin the campaign
against Democratic President Bill Clinton:
   "The results tonight are not just a victory for Bob Dole. The
sweep in New York is an overwhelming statement of Republican
unity. We are a big party with room for many points of view but
we are united behind a single cause: The urgent need to defeat
Bill Clinton and return conservative leadership to the presidency
of the United States of America. That's what this race is all
about."
   But Mr. Dole's main competitors say they intend to stay in the
race all the way to the Republican nominating convention in
August. Referring to the court decision that put him on the
ballot, Mr. Forbes claimed a "moral victory" in New York. And he
said the race has really narrowed down to a choice between Mr.
Dole, a long-time fixture in the political establishment and
himself. Mr. Forbes has never held office:
   "Now we really do have those two choices.. Business as usual,
politics as usual, versus the real America. An America that is
once again self-confident, dynamic, forward-looking, outward
looking, inventive. An America that not only can compete with the
world but an America that can lead the world. We can once again
be that shining city on the hill."
   Mr. Buchanan said he and his followers, who are ardently
opposed to abortion, intend to "take over" the Republican
convention. Many analysts believe the speech Mr. Buchanan gave at
the 1992 Republican convention alienated party moderates and
contributed to President George Bush's defeat.
   Exit polls indicated economic concerns, especially jobs and
taxes, were the major issues in the primary election. The exit
polls also had some bad news for Mr. Dole. Half of the voters
interviewed said Mr. Dole does not have any new ideas.
   ---------------

   ---------------
   U.S. OPINION ROUNDUP: BOB DOLE

   DAN NOBLE
   WASHINGTON

   Numerous U.S. newspaper editorial writers are commenting on
Senator Bob Dole's victories in Republican presidential primaries
held Tuesday in eight states.
   The Baltimore Sun maintains that, what the newspaper describes
as, Mr. Dole's "stunning sweep" means that the Senate majority
leader has reclaimed his position as the Republican party's
candidate for president:
   "Although also-rans Lamar Alexander and Dick lugar prudently
withdrew from the race, tv commentator Pat Buchanan and publisher
Steve Forbes remain problems for Senator Dole and his party. They
cannot deny the kansan the Republican nomination, but they can
leave him weakened and the GOP divided in the ultimate faceoff
against Democrat Bill Clinton. Mr. Forbes continues to spend his
inherited millions... It is reassuring, however, that Mr. Forbes'
advocacy of a flawed flat-tax formula that promises an increased
disparity between rich and poor in America is finally registering
with voters. Mr. Buchanan remains the bigger threat to the GOP.
He could be a precursor to a third-party Ross Perot entry. That
was the pattern in 1992, which gave Mr. Clinton the presidency
with only 43 percent of the vote. this time Mr. Buchanan's
identification with Perot-style protectionism, xenophobia (fear
of foreigners) and economic nationalism is even more strident.
Both populists appeal to fearful and resentful Americans, and
could draw off potential Dole voters."
   In its lead editorial Thursday, the Washington Post says that
the good news coming from Tuesday's primaries "is not so much
that Bob Dole seems in, as that Pat Buchanan seems out of it":
   "We have said before that he performed a useful function in
the campaign in forcing his rivals to recognize that many people
feel with cause that they are losing ground in this economy. But
Mr. Buchanan is a demagogue, and worse, who appeals to and
amplifies some of the ugliest impulses in the society while
surfing on the social problems that, in his aggrieved,
sloganeering fashion, he plays to but offers nothing to solve. If
he stays in even token contention until the convention in San
Diego (California), he remains a problem for his party and
especially for Mr. Dole."
   The Miami Herald takes a similar view, commenting that despite
his victories, Senator Dole "has plenty to worry about":
   "Many voters in the political mainstream will take heart from
Mr. Buchanan's string of defeats. His losses have come in the
nation's more conservative political party, and in some of the
nation's more conservative states... Even so, Mr. Buchanan and
his vociferous rule-or-ruin claque can still make big trouble for
the GOP, just as his militant speech at the Republicans' 1992
convention in Houston harmed President Bush's re-election
chances. So looks can be deceiving. Bob Dole was all smiles
Tuesday night. Yet if he must struggle in the weeks ahead to
unite his party and to woo independents and conservative
Democrats, the last laugh may well belong to the man who's
already residing in the White House."
   In fact, says the Boston Globe, now is the time for the Kansas
senator to concentrate "on President Clinton, and on building a
credible alternative for the fall election":
   "Ironically, one of the healthiest things he could do right
away is to push for agreement with Clinton on a federal budget
that moves toward balance without surrendering the historic
national commitment to social welfare. A reasonably compromised
package would not give a political advantage to Clinton or Dole,
but would help them both, since both are short of recent
accomplishments, and it would help the country. Failure to reach
agreement would be an open invitation to Ross Perot or other
third-party candidates, who will have plenty of time to seek
headlines if Dole in fact wraps up the nomination in this heavily
front-loaded month. beyond this, Dole can hardly be successful
unless he answers the questions of loyal Republicans who have
pleaded with him all year to clarify his mission."
   The Wall Street Journal uses its editorial page to
congratulate Senator Dole and says that "in the end his primary
campaign is proving a job well done...", But is not yet complete.
   "...Mr. Dole may find a growth message is much needed.
President Clinton has already been trying out the rhetorical
theme, albeit with the ludicrous assertion that growth will come
from a higher minimum wage. The GOP needs a better answer than
Buchanan protectionism and democratic class warfare... Let us add
our suspicion that foreign affairs will be high on the agenda of
the next president, and perhaps even the fall campaign. The
Clinton foreign policy consists primarily of trying to push
problems beyond November, and Bosnia, the middle east 'peace
process', the Taiwan strait and the Russian election are all
large time bombs ticking away. If one or more of them explodes,
Senator Dole's long experience will be reassuring."
   And that concludes this brief sampling of recent editorial
comment in the United States press on senator Bob Dole's quest
for the Republican Party's presidential nomination.
   ---------------

   ---------------
   DOLE MIAMI VISIT

   JIM TEEPLE
   MIAMI

   Senator Bob Dole, the front runner in the Republican
presidential race, says he wants to make Cuban officials
accountable for shooting down unarmed civilian planes. Four
members of the Cuban exile group, brothers to the rescue, were
killed in a Cuban mig attack nearly two weeks ago.
   Senator Dole met with Cuban-American political leaders in the
heart of Miami's Little Havana neighborhood. Speaking to an
enthusiastic audience, the Republican front-runner said he
supports taking legal action against Cuban officials who ordered
the downing of the two planes which carried four members of the
Cuban exile group, Brothers to the Rescue:
   "We have laws on the books governing the destruction of U.S.
aircraft and the murder of Americans overseas. It is time to use
those laws to punish the crime of February 24th. It is time to
indict, try and convict the murderers of the February 24th
shootdown."
   Mr. Dole and Florida's Republican congressional delegation
have sent a letter to President Clinton and attorney-General
Janet Reno asking for indictments on murder charges of those
responsible for the downing of the two planes.
   Speaking to reporters after laying a wreath at a Little Havana
monument which commemorates the 1961 failed Bay of Pigs invasion,
the Kansas senator said he believes under international law the
downing of the two brothers to the rescue planes could be
considered an act of international terrorism. Mr. Dole however
would not say whether he believed Cuban leader Fidel Castro
should be indicted, telling reporters that decision would have to
be made by the U.S. attorney-general.
   In response to the incident, both Houses of Congress this week
passed the Cuba Liberty Act which tightens sanctions on Cuba. The
bill also allows Americans to sue foreign companies that do
business in Cuba involving property which formerly belonged to
U.S. citizens. President Clinton has said he will soon sign the
bill into law.
   Political observers in Florida say Bob Dole is the heavy
favorite to win next Tuesday's Republican primary with its
98-delegates to the national convention. A poll released last
week showed the Kansas senator well ahead of his nearest rival,
Pat Buchanan. Pollsters say that lead is expected to grow
stronger by next Tuesday.
   ---------------

   ---------------
   DOLE ANTICIPATES MORE OF THE SAME ON SUPER TUESDAY 
   By Stuart Gorin

   Visitors to the campaign headquarters of Republican
presidential hopeful Bob Dole can almost hear the refrain from a
song popular many years ago -- "What a difference a day makes!"
   Anticipating more of the same March 12 on "Super Tuesday,"
when seven states select 362 delegates to the Republican
nominating convention, the Senate majority leader and his
supporters were jubilant over their clean sweep of all eight
state primaries and two caucuses held March 5 on "Junior
Tuesday."
   It was a victory, the Atlanta Constitution said, "that
virtually clears his path to the Republican nomination."
   That one day turned around the Dole campaign and forced two
more of his opponents to drop out of the race, leaving only Pat
Buchanan and Steve Forbes as serious challengers in Florida,
Louisiana, Mississippi, Oklahoma, Oregon, Tennessee and Texas.
Dole is considered the favorite in all but Louisiana, where
Buchanan earlier won the caucuses that provided most of the
state's delegates. A public opinion poll taken in Texas of likely
primary voters showed Dole ahead of Buchanan by a better than
two-to-one margin.
   And even before Super Tuesday, according to another poll, Dole
was expected to do well in the March 7 New York primary, where 93
of 102 convention delegates were at stake. Nine at-large
delegates will be chosen in June at the state party convention.
The candidates do not run directly in New York; instead, voters
choose from delegate slates.
   If Dole does have a concern, it is the restriction placed on
his campaign spending by virtue of his acceptance of federal
matching funds. The government allows candidates to spend up to
$37 million during the primary season, and thus far Dole has used
more than $30 million, primarily for television advertising.
Forbes is financing his own campaign and has no federal matching
restrictions.
   Forbes' campaign was given a boost on the eve of the New York
primary by the endorsement of former New York Congressman Jack
Kemp. Kemp reportedly decided on the endorsement only after
assurances there would be no more attack ads in the campaign; he
said he wanted Forbes' economic issues to move forward. But the
former housing secretary, a leading figure in the Republican
Party, hinted he might be punished for breaking rank with the
establishment.
   Buchanan, pledging to continue the battle all the way to the
Republican convention in San Diego in August, said Dole's
nomination appeared "inevitable" to him now, but that he was
fighting to include conservative ideas in the party platform. He
said the party needed him to "bring home the Perot voters" who
abandoned the Republicans in 1992.
   According to Brian Lopina of the Christian Coalition, even
though its members were divided between Dole and Buchanan, "we
can't lose sight of the fact that the candidates are united on a
great many issues. Our members can live with either one of them
because they are speaking to the religious and social concerns
that are important to us."
   Looking ahead to Ohio, which holds its primary on March 19, a
poll conducted by the Institute for Policy Research at the
University of Cincinnati had Dole holding a commanding lead, with
Buchanan a distant second and Forbes third, although the
millionaire businessman showed some signs of gaining momentum
based on his victory in Arizona.
   Here are the specifics on the Super Tuesday primaries with the
number of Republican convention delegates at stake:

   -- Florida: closed (only registered party members may vote) 98
      delegates, winner-take-all by state and districts

   -- Louisiana: closed 9 delegates (in addition to those
      selected earlier in the caucus), winner-take-all statewide

   -- Mississippi: open to all registered voters 33 delegates,
      winner-take-all by state and districts

   -- Oklahoma: closed 38 delegates, winner-take-all by state and
      districts

   -- Oregon: closed 23 delegates, proportional representation

   -- Tennessee: open 38 delegates, winner-take-all or
      proportional representation, depending on the outcome 
      of the primary vote

   -- Texas: open 123 delegates, winner-take-all or proportional
      representation, depending on the outcome of the primary vote

   ---------------
   
   ---------------
   DOLE WIN IN SOUTH CAROLINA PRIMARY KEEPS HIM FRONT RUNNER 
   By David Pitts

   Senator Bob Dole's landslide win in the Puerto Rico primary
election March 3 with over 95 percent of the vote and a prize of
14 delegates, together with his decisive victory in the South
Carolina primary March 2 with 45 percent of the vote and 37
delegates, kept him the front runner in the campaign for the
Republican nomination for president.
   Dole's victory in South Carolina was considered particularly
significant because it was the first primary in the South, and
could be an indicator of how voters will cast their ballots
elsewhere in this important region.
   According to Associated Press figures, following Dole's 45
percent of the vote in South Carolina, Pat Buchanan was second
with 20 percent, Steve Forbes third with 13 percent, and Lamar
Alexander fourth with 11 percent. All the other candidates
trailed.
   Based on exit polls taken by WIS-TV in Columbia, South
Carolina, Dole's support cut across income and education lines.
He won every income category except those earning less than
$15,000 a year.
   Significantly, Dole won the support of about half the voters
describing themselves as members of the Christian Right,
previously thought to be a constituency mostly favorable to
Buchanan, according to the exit polls. Bill Schneider, American
Enterprise Institute and CNN political analyst, said that of the
two-thirds of voters who said they mainly were concerned with
moral issues, most supported Dole. "Dole broadened his support on
the right and dominated the moderate vote," Schneider remarked.
   Dole's support for statehood in Puerto Rico was said to have
helped him there, where most voters consider themselves
moderates. He won big in all categories of voters, according to
exit polls.
   ---------------
   
   ---------------
   CANDIDATES' REMARKS ON THE ISRAELI-PALESTINIAN ISSUE

   In light of the recent terrorist bombings in Israel, here's
what the Republican presidential candidates have said about
prospects for peace in the Middle East, according to the
Associated Press.
   -- Buchanan: "I understand the anger and rage of the Israeli
people at these mass atrocities against civilians, and they're
being done by people of no moral character whatsoever....I think
they ought to declare war on people that practice that kind of
cold atrocity." He said the United States should "back up Prime
Minister (Shimon) Peres to the hilt," but did not say if that
would include any direct U.S. involvement.
   -- Dole: Congress is likely to take "a hard look" at
assistance to the Palestinian Authority in the wake of the
attacks. "Unless and until serious anti-terrorist actions are
implemented by Chairman Arafat, it is difficult to justify
continued U.S. assistance to the Palestinian Authority."
   -- Forbes: The United States "should certainly help Israel put
pressure on the Palestinians," and "If the peace process is to
work over there, then the authorities must be able to enforce
that peace process. Clearly the Hamas is trying to disrupt it, so
it is up to (Yasser) Arafat to establish authority in Palestinian
areas, to take effective measures against terrorism."
   ---------------
   
   ---------------
   THE WORLD BEYOND THE FLAT TAX, ACCORDING TO FORBES 
   By Mike Davis

   When American voters think of presidential candidate Steve
Forbes, they inevitably focus on his proposed 17 percent flat
tax. However, Forbes' presidential platform is not as
one-dimensional as it might seem. This businessman and magazine
editor has years of experience in dealing with and commenting on
international issues.
   Forbes is no stranger to the international arena, and he wants
voters to know it. He has globalized "Forbes" magazine by
expanding it to include numerous foreign editions. He was
appointed by Presidents Reagan and Bush to chair the Board for
International Broadcasting, from 1985 to 1993. This appointment
gave Forbes the responsibility of overseeing Radio Free Europe
and Radio Liberty, whose radio broadcasts are credited with
helping to bring about the end of communism in Eastern Europe and
the former Soviet Union.
   He strongly advocates Taiwanese sovereignty. He would support
French administration of Rwanda's separation into Hutus and
Tutsis. He is committed to a free market system and the
elimination of any remaining vestige of communism.
   Taiwan, according to Forbes, deserves a seat in the United
Nations. In the event of a Chinese attack on Taiwan, the
candidate would support American intervention on Taiwan's behalf.
Forbes would establish a dialogue with Lee Teng-hui, the
Taiwanese president, and even meet unofficially with him, which
undoubtedly would strain the already tense relations between the
United States and China.
   Forbes condemned the recent Cuban attack on two "Brothers to
the Rescue" civilian relief aircraft, and sees the implementation
of a Star Wars program as a necessary defense against future
Cuban aggression. Cuban leader Fidel Castro is not the only
foreign leader whom Forbes distrusts. Serbian President Slobodan
Milosevic; Kim Jong-il, the leader of North Korea; Iraqi leader
Sadam Hussein; and Syria's ruler, Hafez al-Assad, have all been
criticized by the presidential candidate.
   Other aspects of Forbes' world view include support for Puerto
Rican independence initiatives and a desire to expand NATO.
   ---------------
   
   ---------------
   EUROPEAN ALLIES REPORTEDLY RELIEVED BY DOLE SUCCESSES

   European diplomats and analysts of the U.S. presidential race
reportedly are expressing relief that recent successes by Senate
Majority Leader Bob Dole seem to indicate the Republicans will
have a moderate and mainstream candidate to challenge Democratic
President Bill Clinton.
   Europe is "deeply worried," according to Reuters, "by the
isolationist and protectionist moods that have taken hold in some
areas of U.S. politics, personified by Republican Pat Buchanan."
   The news agency reported that most European governments expect
a Clinton victory in November "and are comfortable with that
idea" but are relieved that on the Republican side, Dole "belongs
to a foreign policy tradition that is broadly acceptable."
   ---------------
   
   ---------------
   TREATMENT OF KEYES CALLED SHAMEFUL

   Philadelphia Inquirer columnist Claude Lewis said the action
by Atlanta station WSB-TV was "shameful" when it had presidential
candidate Alan Keyes forcibly removed when he tried to enter the
building to participate in a debate. Police took him into custody
for a brief period the Sunday evening before the Georgia primary.
The television station said it had limited the debate to the top
four Republican candidates. Keyes called his exclusion a
"disgrace to American democracy."
   Congresswoman Cynthia McKinney, a Georgia Democrat, and
Congressman J.C. Watts, an Oklahoma Republican, asked the mayor
of Atlanta to investigate the incident. Pointing out that Atlanta
had landed the 1996 Olympic Games in part by burnishing its "new
South" credentials, the legislators said "We do not believe that
images of an African-American presidential candidate being
dragged away in handcuffs by police make a convincing case on
behalf of the 'new South.'"
   ---------------
   
   ---------------
   EDITORIAL EXCERPTS

   From the St. Petersburg Times:
   "...The long campaign is full of trivia, melodrama and sound
bites, but the serious business of selecting a president should
be based on a more considered judgment of each candidate's
experience, character and political philosophy. The other
Republican contenders, including those who already have dropped
out of the race, cannot match Dole's practical experience, his
demonstrated character or his record as a constructive,
consensus-building conservative."

   From the Chicago Tribune:
   "...Dole should resist the temptation to think he has found
the winning formula. His success so far owes more to his stature
among party leaders, his superior organization and the weaknesses
of his opponents than it does to his strengths as a campaigner.
In recent days, he has been campaigning on the need to unite the
party and defeat Bill Clinton, but he has yet to give the
American people any clear idea why they should care if he does
either."

   From the Baltimore Sun:
   "...What is most heartening about the senator's victory is
that his long record of good-sense public service is starting to
pay off. Mr. Forbes and Mr. Buchanan may keep plugging their
'outsider' messages but the Dole emphasis on 'experience' in
'unsettled times' resonates when voters get serious."

   From the Washington Post:
   "...In an odd way this challenge (from Forbes and Buchanan),
though not what you would call benignly intended, could be very
good for Mr. Dole, assuming he continues to prevail. It will
present him with an opportunity to show what kind of leader he
could be expected to be if president. And this, in turn, would
say a lot to those who are watching him and wondering about his
potential."

   From the Washington Times:
   "...There are many arguments ahead, of course, over everything
from legislative strategy for what remains of the 104th Congress
to the contents of the platform that will be adopted at the
Republican convention in San Diego. The biggest issue, however,
is who gets the No. 2 position on the ticket -- a decision that
will say a lot about who Bob Dole is, his understanding of his
Republican base and the electorate as a whole, and his chances
against Mr. Clinton in November."

   From USA Today:
   "As exaggerated as each first-place finish may be, the
fleeting rise of the underdogs has served the public well. Some
controversial ideas have been aired, most notably Buchanan's
restrictive trade proposals and Forbes' flat tax. Of more
enduring significance, the campaign has exposed a simmering
public anger at economic dislocation that candidates must now
address."

   From the Ft. Lauderdale Sun-Sentinel:
   "...While many Americans are in tune with some of Buchanan's
fiery statements, especially when he mentions fear of American
workers losing their jobs in a bewildering global economy, most
reject his extremist stances. Nearly everyone understands it
would be unwise, as well as impossible, to build a trade wall
around the United States. Buchanan's unbridled attacks on
immigrants, and his mocking of Mexicans, strike fair-minded
Americans as vicious and, often, racist."

   From the Wall Street Journal:
   "...Let us add our suspicion that foreign affairs will be high
on the agenda of the next president, and perhaps even the fall
campaign. The Clinton foreign policy consists primarily of trying
to push problems beyond November, and Bosnia, the Middle East
'peace process,' the Taiwan Strait and the Russian election are
all large time bombs ticking away. If one or more of them
explodes, Senator Dole's long experience will be reassuring."
   ---------------

   ---------------
   DOLE KNOCKS ALEXANDER AND LUGAR FROM RACE

   DAVID SWAN
   SENATE

   U.S. Senate majority leader Bob Dole may have knocked out most
of his rivals in the fight to be chosen to run against President
Clinton. The senator's sweeping victory in Tuesday's primary
elections has led at least two others to quit.
   The Dole campaign came back from a slow start, to score a
crucial victory in the biggest round of preliminary voting so
far. The candidate says the party is now united after weeks of
indecision:
   "Tonight we proved the Republican Party is not spinning apart,
but we are coming together. We have found a leader to bring the
Republican Party together."
   The senator now has more than one-quarter of the national
convention delegates needed for the nomination to run against the
president. He won all eight of Tuesday's primary elections, some
by margins of two-to-one or even three-to-one.
   Mr. Dole beat rival Pat Buchanan in Georgia, where the
commentator hoped to find an audience for his socially
conservative, anti-free trade rhetoric. He admits Mr. Dole is all
but certain to be nominated but vows to press on, at least to
make himself heard at the party convention:
   "I think we can change and improve the Republican Party. I
still think there is a very, very long shot that Senator Dole
could stumble badly. His campaign is hollow. It is an empty
vessel. There are no ideas in it."
   Surveys show many Republicans found Mr. Buchanan's ideas too
extreme. Few voters backed former Tennessee Governor Lamar
Alexander, who portrayed himself as a younger, fresher
alternative to Mr. Dole. He and Senator Richard Lugar are both
dropping out of the race.
   Mr. Forbes sounded like a man who intended to keep
campaigning, though he too ran far behind Mr. Dole in Tuesday's
balloting:
   "We did get roughly 20-percent in these states and I think
that is a very credible showing. And now that it is a three-man
race with three distinct choices, three visions for the future, I
think we're really going to build support in the future."
   With hundreds of convention delegates at stake in upcoming
primaries, the Republican nomination should be decided by the end
of the month, if not sooner.
   ---------------

   ---------------
   CAMPAIGN '96: JUNIOR TUESDAY'S PRIMARIES

   TOM MAHONEY
   WASHINGTON

   Senator Bob Dole's clean sweep of primary elections in eight
states Tuesday gives him undisputed claim as frontrunner in his
bid to become the Republican presidential nominee. Conservative
commentator Pat Buchanan managed second place finishes in most
primaries, trailing well behind Senator Dole.
   But it was a tough time for all of Bob Dole's rivals. In fact,
at least two of his challengers, former Tennessee Governor Lamar
Alexander and Indiana Senator Richard Lugar, have ended their
campaigns.
   It's official. Senator Bob Dole scored a sweeping victory
Tuesday over rival Republican presidential hopefuls in what was
the closest thing thus far to a national primary.
   The candidates were battling for the largest political prize
to date: A total of 259 delegates were at stake in the primaries
and caucuses. Mr. Dole now has more than one-fourth of the 996
delegates needed to win the GOP presidential nomination in
August.
   Although voters in New Hampshire last month rejected his
candidacy for a third time, Senator Dole received the solid
support Tuesday from five other New England states:
Massachusetts, Connecticut, Rhode Island, Vermont and Maine. Jim
Rappaport, chairman of the Republican state committee in
Massachusetts, said Bob Dole's strength grew in the past week and
voters responded despite the bad weather:
   "We had snow in the morning and with the ice in the afternoon
it was even worse than the snow. We still had a turnout of
275,000 and it was an overwhelming victory for Bob Dole."
   Jim Rappaport's only surprise from Tuesday's voting was the
strength of the senator's victories in all eight primaries:
   "I know that he has to be extraordinarily pleased. What it
means is that he got back on message. He focused his campaign and
he's going to be including components of the other candidates'
message that he's learning from this primary process. It will be
part of the Republican party message in the fall."
   In the south, the Georgia primary was critically important to
the political fortunes of Pat Buchanan and former Tennessee
Governor Lamar Alexander. Dorothy Burns, national committeewoman
for the Georgia Republican Party, expressed surprise at the
conservative commentator's inability to win more than 30-percent
of the vote:
   "He got 38 percent of the vote when he ran against [former
President George] bush [in 1992]. I really thought he would do
better here because there are a lot of his supporters. I don't
know what the problem was except for the fact that senator [paul]
Coverdell came out an endorsed (bob) Dole."
   Dorothy Burns points out that several senators came to Georgia
to voice their support for Bob Dole. Like Jim Rappaport, she
thinks that while Pat Buchanan is discussing some important
issues, he has a very negative vision of how best to shape the
country's future.
   They both believe Pat Buchanan has to be particularly
disappointed with his poor showing in Georgia. But Ms. Burns also
had this observation:
   "I don't mean this to sound like I'm putting (Sen.) Dole down,
because I'm not. But I do think the results of these polls and
these elections have been because of his backers and his
supporters. I mean they have pushed him all the way on this. They
are delivering the message that perhaps (Mr.) Dole should have
been delivering."
   Tm: in the mid-atlantic state of Maryland and the rocky
mountain state of Colorado, Senator Dole beat Pat Buchanan by
more than two-to-one. The senator also finished first in a
non-binding caucus in Minnesota. Party activists in Washington
state also held a caucus as a first step in the delegate
selection process.
   Dorothy Burns offered a cautionary note: Don't forget about
Steve Forbes on the eve of New York's delegate-rich primary. That
reminder took on special significance Wednesday when Jack Kemp,
highly respected by Republican conservatives, endorsed the
wealthy publisher. Political observers view this as a big plus
for the struggling Forbes campaign.
   Sen. Dole has support from GOP establishment in New York,
including U.S. Senator Alfonse D'Amato and new york city Mayor
Rudolph Giuliani. The mayor says his vote for Senator Dole will
send a clear message that Pat Buchanan is unacceptable to the
people of New York City.
   Jim Rappaport in Massachusetts believes Bob Dole is really
hitting his stride and is the man to oppose President Clinton:
   "Bob Dole is in significantly better shape than either George
Bush was in 1988 or Bill Clinton was in '92. He has got a better
message. Overall, the party structure is in better shape, the
message is in better shape.
   "There's no question in my mind that Bob Dole is the underdog
because Bill Clinton can talk a dog off the meat wagon and then
talk him on in the same day. Whereas Bob Dole is just a decent,
honest man with tremendous integrity, all three [traits] of which
Clinton does not have."
   Dorothy Burns of Georgia's Republican Party, believes Senator
Dole gives people a sense of security:
   "He has been there. We know him. There are no surprises. We
know exactly where he's coming from [on the issues]. That's a
good bit of security as far as I'm concerned."
   Lamar Alexander's poor showing in Georgia prompted the former
Tennessee governor to reassess his candidacy earlier than
expected. Previously, he said he'd end his quest for the
nomination if he failed to win next Tuesday's Florida primary.
Senator Richard Lugar's issues-oriented campaigning has won him
the respect of Republicans, but very little support when it came
time to vote.
   Senator Dole is the man to beat after Tuesday's voting. Once
again, he's the frontrunner and, for now, has good reason to
smile. Pat Buchanan is fighting for his political life but vows
to continue his crusade until this August's Republican nominating
convention in San diego. But the viability of his campaign
collides with what the Dole camp calls the inevitability factor.
   It's the recognition, grudging or not, that with his
resounding triumphs Tuesday on the heels of a big win in South
Carolina March 2nd, Bob Dole has become the inevitable
presidential nominee when Republicans hold their national
convention in San Diego this August.
   But beyond inevitability, what about Senator Dole's
electability? The nagging, much-discussed question won't be
answered for months: Does Bob Dole have what it takes to defeat
President Clinton November 5th?
   ---------------

   ---------------
   BUCHANAN SAYS HE WILL CAMPAIGN ALL THE WAY TO THE CONVENTION

   JIM TEEPLE
   MIAMI

   Despite his loss Tuesday to Senator Bob Dole in eight
primaries, conservative commentator Pat Buchanan said Wednesday
he will take his campaign all the way to the Republican
convention, in San Diego later this year.
   Heading south to Florida after his defeat in eight primaries,
Pat Buchanan met with about 200-loyal supporters in the heart of
Miami's little Havana neighborhood.
   The conservative commentator told his supporters he is not
giving up. In Miami he continued his criticism of Senator Dole's
campaign for what he says is its lack of ideas:
   "This campaign is a campaign of ideas. It has fire, it has
energy, it has conviction, it has passion and we are running
against a hollow vessel in the campaign, I believe, of Senator
Dole."
   Mr. Buchanan suffered a major defeat in the Georgia primary
where exit polls indicated a majority of Republicans thought his
views to extreme.
   Undaunted, he says he will continue his campaign leading up to
next Tuesday's primaries with stops in Florida, Tennessee, and
Texas.
   ---------------

   ---------------
   ANTI-BUCHANAN REPUBLICANS HOLD NEWS CONFERENCE

   MICHELE KELEMEN
   WASHINGTON

   Republican president candidate Pat Buchanan has not won a
primary since New Hampshire but has vowed to stay in the race
through the Republican party convention in August. Some moderate
Republicans do not want Mr. Buchanan playing a key role in the
convention. They call themselves the silent majority of the
Republican Party. But, they say they will not be silent about
what they call the threat of Buchananism.
   In a rare joint news conference in Washington Wednesday,
leaders of several moderate and liberal Republican groups joined
forces to try to stop what they see as Pat Buchanan's rising
influence in the Republican Party. They say Mr. Buchanan did much
to hurt the party with what they describe as his extremist speech
at the convention in 1992. They are urging Republican leaders not
to let this happen again.
   Among those speaking out against Mr. Buchanan was Milton Bins
of the Council of 100, a group that represents black Republicans:
   "The party of Lincoln and Frederick Douglas must fold its tent
on this demagogue who energizes voters by appealing to their
prejudices and exploiting their legitimate fears about job
security and stagnant wages through the use of scapegoats,
codewords and inflammatory rhetoric. The real issues we are
dealing with here are bigotry prejudice and intolerance."
   The Buchanan campaign has been dogged by such accusations, but
the presidential hopeful has repeatedly denied he is running a
divisive campaign or that he is extremist. But the criticism has
not eased.
   One of the issues that has caused some of the controversy is
Mr. Buchanan's strong stand against immigration. Rich Swartz, who
represents the National Immigration Forum, a coalition of
religious, ethnic and civil rights groups, said:
   "Pat Buchanan's ideas include an immigration moratorium, which
would prevent millions of American citizens from reuniting with
their families. Pat Buchanan would deny refugees, the powerless,
the disposed seeking freedom from war and tyranny, he would deny
them safe haven and refuge that America traditionally had
provided. In this regard, his ideas on immigration are
quintessentially un-American ideas."
   Other critics of Mr. Buchanan focused on his anti-abortion
stand. They cited some exit polls from recent primaries that
showed a majority of Republican voters support the right to
choose abortion and do not want the issue on the Republican
platform. A gay and lesbian Republican group targeted Mr.
Buchanan for his pledge not to include any qualified homosexual
in his cabinet. Ann Stone of the Republicans for Choice says it
is this kind rhetoric that makes Mr. Buchanan a cause for
concern:
   "If we go to San Diego with Pat Buchanan having veto power
over that convention, he will build a wall that will divide us.
He will build a wall that will keep us out and our voters won't
vote for a Republican president."
   The groups representing moderate, black, Jewish, gay and
pro-choice Republicans among others say Pat Buchanan's losses in
recent primaries were a repudiation of his beliefs. They say the
frontrunner Bob Dole and the party itself should take note and
reach out to moderates in the party if the Republicans want to
beat President Clinton in November. The Republican national party
says it will not comment on any of the candidates at this stage.
   ---------------

   ---------------
   CAMPAIGN '96: CONSERVATISM: THE REAGAN COALITION

   BARBARA SCHOETZAU
   NEW YORK

   Each of the candidates vying for the 1996 Republican
presidential nomination claims to be the true heir to President
Ronald Reagan, who for years was the leader of the American
conservative movement.
   Fiscal conservatives, social conservatives, religious
conservatives, libertarians, Ronald Reagan, by dint of his charm,
political skills, and long years working with conservative causes
was able to unite all the disparate elements of the conservative
movement in the United States into a powerful voting bloc that
elected him president in 1980 and again in 1984.
   Mr. Reagan's policies epitomized many of the long-held ideals
of modern American conservatives, free market economics,
skepticism of big government and government programs, a strong
belief in individual responsibility, and staunch anti-communism.
But Mr. Reagan also expanded the traditional American
conservative platform by including many elements from the agenda
of the growing evangelical movement. By giving the Christian
right a place at the table, so to speak, Mr. Reagan added to his
base of support, and, some say, sowed the seeds for the
divisiveness in today's Republican Party.
   Peter Lawler specializes in political philosophy at Berry
College in Georgia. He says Mr. Reagan was able to draw support
from groups as diverse as libertarians, who supported his free
market economics, and social conservatives, who opposed the Roe
vs. Wade supreme court decision that legalized abortion:
   "The libertarians liked him because of his devotion to
economic liberty, tax cuts, and so forth. But he also talked the
cultural conservative talk and to some extent even walked the
walk. He appointed anti-activist justices, anti-Roe
(anti-abortion) justices. Under his watch, the national
government never did anything that was pro-abortion and catered
to the religious right to some extent. But there is
inconsistency, that the Republican Party is the permissive party
on economics, but the moralistic party on the cultural and moral
issues."
   Stephen Salmore, political science professor at Rutgers
University's Eagleton Institute of politics in new jersey,
frequently serves as a consultant to Republican candidates. He
says while Mr. Reagan strongly identified with the most
traditional tenets of American conservatism, like small
government and free trade, he also helped bring into prominence
those who favored a more activist role for government on certain
social and economic issues, such as forbidding abortions and
erecting trade barriers to protect U.S. jobs:
   "There are some Republicans who are very libertarian. They
believe that government should not only play a limited role in
the economy, but also in questions of social values. On the other
hand, there are those who feel the government should play a
stronger role and we are really arguing about that. The issue of
abortion, I think, does divide the party. I think Pat Buchanan's
success has been more his ability to tap into that role than what
is being talked about now, which is the role of the government in
terms of protectionism and free trade. Republicans have been a
consistently free trade party. Ronald Reagan was a free trader.
(Pat) Buchanan is very interesting because he combines social
conservatism with economic populism which really has not been
seen in the Republican Party before."
   In addition to blending together traditional economic
conservatives with the emerging social conservatives to form a
base of support, Mr. Reagan was able to attract yet another group
new to the political landscape, the so-called neo-cons, or
neo-conservatives. Professor Salmore says Mr. Reagan's strong
stand on foreign policy issues enabled him to attract many of
these former Democrats:
   "During the 1970s when the economy began to rapidly inflate,
prices skyrocketed, interest rates went up, combined with
skepticism about the effectiveness of government programs past
the 1960s; there was real upheaval in the political landscape.
One of the major changes was the rise of what is called
neo-conservatism. These are many people who had been Democrats,
who rejected the Democratic Party because of its stand on foreign
policy and increasingly were going skeptical about the effect of
government programs to deal with social problems."
   Today, the threads of unity among conservatives appear to be
unraveling. The problem, many political analysts say, is that the
term conservative means different things to different groups.
   Even within particular groups there are now strong differences
about which candidate should be the Republican Party's 1996
nominee and about what the party's priorities are. University of
North Carolina political science professor Michael Lienesch
(len-ish) says Mr. Reagan's political genius was in finding the
common threads that held diverse conservatives together:
   "He was very good at avoiding conflict when conflict arose.
That was part of his genius as a politician and as a speaker. The
libertarians today can be found on both sides. They tend to be
economic conservatives, but they tend to take clear and strong
libertarian stances on many of the social issues. For example,
they do not see the issue of abortion as an issue that government
should be active with. There are also strong conservatives of a
different kind on the Pat Buchanan campaign, including, for
example, gun owners and anti-taxers, people strongly opposed to
the use of state power to gather taxes."
   In the United States, political terminology readjusts
according to political changes. When the Republicans decide which
candidate will the lead the party to challenge Bill Clinton in
November, the meaning of conservative may shift yet again.
   ---------------

   ---------------
   COLORADO PRESIDENTIAL PRIMARY

   LEE FRANK
   DENVER

   In the rocky mountain western region of the United States,
only one state held a presidential primary election this week. In
Colorado, Senator Bob Dole received 44 percent of the Republican
party votes. Patrick Buchanan got 22 percent and 21 percent went
for Steve Forbes.
   Colorado Republican party voter, showing strong support for
Senator Bob Dole, give Mr. Dole his first win in a western state.
In a telephone call to a victory celebration in Denver, Senator
Dole reminded supporters he is from the next state east of
Colorado:
   "Okay, well thanks very much. I've always wondered about that
good neighbor policy but Colorado turned out to be a great
neighbor for Kansas tonight and I appreciate it. Thanks very much
and god bless America."
   Senator Dole did not personally campaign much in Colorado, but
he had a well-organized campaign committee.
   Natalie Meyers is the manager of Mr. Dole's presidential
campaign in Colorado:
   "We had lots of volunteers. We probably had 1,500 people
working around the state in the last month. That's what makes the
difference. We've got people that care, not necessarily people
that are paid, but people that care, people that make the phone
calls, put up the yard signs, call their neighbors, work in
service clubs."
   While Senator Dole's organized campaign effort paid off at the
polls, candidate Patrick Buchanan relied more on support from
individuals who agree with his conservative political positions.
   Mr. Buchanan's second-place finish in Colorado is
disappointing for supporters, such as Nancy Brown:
   "In my heart, I can still only be supportive of Pat Buchanan.
Mainly because I believe in the things that he stands for. I'll
keep rooting or hoping for the future for another chance for
him."
   Of Colorado's 27 delegates to the Republican national
convention, six with represent Steve Forbes, the wealthy
businessman who finished in third place in this state's primary
election. Second-place vote-getter Patrick Buchanan will have
seven delegates. And, 14 Colorado Republicans will be supporting
Senator Bob Dole at the political party's presidential nominating
convention.
   ---------------

   ---------------
   SCHLESINGER ON EXPENSE OF RUNNING FOR PRESIDENT

   ALAN SILVERMAN
   LOS ANGELES

   Historian Arthur Schlesinger thinks running for president in
1996 is costing too much and taking too long. The former White
House aide commented this week [3/4] in a discussion sponsored by
the Policy Forum and Center for Public Integrity at the
University of California Los Angeles campus.
   Arthur Schlesinger is a veteran of political campaigns dating
back to 1952 and chronicled John F. Kennedy's 1960 victory and
thousand-day presidency. He points out that then-senator Kennedy
did not begin his campaign until January of election year 1960;
36 years later, the historian blames increased television
exposure for stretching the state-by-state candidate selection
into a process that, to win, must be launched months, even years
before the first primary elections:
   "The only hope is eventually the boredom factor will enter in
and people will begin to understand that if they start too early,
they may be boring the country to death by the time the
presidential year comes around."
   While the increased length may be an annoyance, Mr.
Schlesinger sees real danger in the other key element of
campaigns for national office: The expense:
   "Clearly the curse of our present presidential selection
process is the enlarging role of private money. According to the
federal election commission, the Republican candidates
collectively... Only by the end of January... Had spent
140-million dollars. That is a preposterous sum to be raised
privately. The extent to which candidates have to spend time
raising money demeans the process, takes them away from more
serious issues of statesmanship and is partly responsible for the
increasing cynicism about politics. Candidates have no choice
under this system but to get as much money as they can and, in so
doing, obligate themselves tacitly to the people who provided the
funds. This is a distortion and corruption of our process."
   With up to 75-percent of campaign costs going to television
advertising Mr. Schlesinger believes free air time would be the
quickest, easiest way to reduce the resources need to run:
   "Serious candidates should have access to television without
having to pay for it. It happens in great Britain, France,
Belgium, Brazil. It seems to me that the best way... The
quickest, practical short reform that I would urge is free prime
time for the candidates during the election."
   Scolding TV stations for selling, rather than giving away,
political air time, the Pulitzer Prize-winning observer notes the
United States and Russia are the only democracies in which, as
Mr. Schlesinger puts it, "the most momentous decision a free
people can make, the choice of who should govern them, is
regarded as an occasion for private enrichment."
   But with all the problems in the present state-by-state
primary system, historian and author Schlesinger believes
suggested alternatives, especially proposals for a national
primary, would be even worse:
   "I think primaries have gotten out of control at the moment;
there may be some cutbacks due to public reaction against that.
But the primaries are very useful, first, in getting the country
to know the candidates. We know much more about the candidates
even as a result of all these silly debates and so on. The
coverage is intense; the scrutiny is intense. Primaries are much
more effective in informing the country about the candidates.
Also, and this is somewhat less obvious, it is of great
importance in informing the candidates about the country. For
example, the impact of West Virginia on Kennedy in 1960: Kennedy
could not believe the rural poverty he found in the mines, mining
country and mountains. It had a great effect on him. The whole
appalachia project is a by-product of that. So I think primaries
play a crucial role informing the country about the candidates
and the candidates about the country."
   Arthur Schlesinger criticizes the media for giving too much
importance to individual primary elections and he has especially
harsh words for widely-reported voter surveys which he contends
only show the volatility of public opinion. In historian
Schlesinger's words: "Polls have a bad effect if people believe
them."
   ---------------

   ---------------
   DOLE WINS BIG IN JUNIOR TUESDAY CONTESTS, VOTING BREAKDOWN

   DAVID PITTS
   WASHINGTON

   Senator Robert Dole's sweep of all eight Republican primaries
March 5 (Junior Super Tuesday) makes it likely he will be the
Republican nominee for president to run against Democrat Bill
Clinton in the fall, concluded leading analysts for all the major
news organizations.
   With the old hit record, "I'm a Soul Man," playing in the
background, an ebullient Bob Dole appeared at his campaign
headquarters in the nation's capital and spoke briefly about
"bringing the Republican Party together." The party has "one
purpose," he said, "to defeat Bill Clinton in 1996."
   Dole won primaries in eight states. Results in four caucuses
in American Samoa, Idaho, Minnesota and Washington state, were
not immediately known. The primary victories spanned key
geographic regions in the country, including Colorado in the
West, Georgia in the South, Maryland in the mid-Atlantic region,
and most of the New England states in the upper northeast. In
total, 259 delegates were at stake March 5, 25 percent of the
number needed to clinch the nomination.
   According to the Associated Press, with most precincts having
reported, the breakdown of the results is as follows; the numbers
are percentages of vote:
   -- Colorado: Dole 44; Buchanan 22; Forbes 21; Alexander 10.
   -- Connecticut: Dole 54; Forbes 20; Buchanan 15; Alexander 5.
   -- Georgia: Dole 41; Buchanan 30; Alexander 13; Forbes 12.
   -- Maine: Dole 46; Buchanan 25; Forbes 15; Alexander 7.
   -- Maryland: Dole 53; Buchanan 21; Forbes 13; Alexander 5.
   -- Massachusetts; Dole 48; Buchanan 25; Forbes 14; Alexander8.
   -- Rhode Island: Dole 67; Alexander 20; Lugar 3; Taylor 1.
   -- Vermont: Dole 41; Buchanan 17; Forbes 16; Lugar 14.
   After the March 5 contests, the delegate count is now: Dole
276; Forbes 69; Buchanan 51; Alexander 10; Keyes; 1; Uncommitted
16.
   Lamar Alexander and Richard Lugar both withdrew from the race
March 6. Alexander had stated he would stay in the race at least
until Super Tuesday, March 12, when Florida, among other states,
holds its primary, but his disappointing showing on Junior
Tuesday apparently led to a change of mind. The former Tennessee
governor offered Dole his "full support" and said he would be
"glad to do whatever he would like me to do" to help the Dole
campaign. It is clear that most Republicans want Dole "to lead us
into the next century," Alexander added.
   Lugar, a former chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations
Committee, also endorsed Dole, saying that he and his wife will
vote for the majority leader and "ask our friends to do the
same."
   At a news conference in Albany, New York, former presidential
candidate Jack Kemp endorsed Steve Forbes. Forbes called it an
"enormous boost" just a day before the New York primary. Dole
leads in all the polls in the Empire State.
   The southern state of Georgia was considered crucial for Pat
Buchanan since he targeted the Southern states as the area of the
country most hospitable to his candidacy; he lost the first
Southern contest in South Carolina on March 2. Before the vote,
Buchanan himself called Georgia "a pivotal state." But Bob Dole
won Georgia too, although more narrowly than elsewhere.
   Dole was helped in Georgia by winning the support of House of
Representatives Speaker Newt Gingrich, who voted for the Senate
Republican leader by absentee ballot. Gingrich called Dole "a
close personal friend and great leader." He also said, "Together
we passed the balanced budget, tax cuts, and welfare reform," key
provisions of the so-called "Contract with America," that helped
win the Republicans a majority in the House of Representatives in
the 1994 Congressional elections.
   Buchanan's second place finish in Georgia is expected to keep
him in the race. "I don't think he will be discouraged from going
on" despite Dole's series of victories, said American Enterprise
Institute and CNN election analyst Bill Schneider.
   Schneider said Dole won because he was "broadly acceptable,"
to most Republican voters, a sentiment echoed by other senior
analysts commenting on the results. Schneider also said that Dole
won not only the Republican moderate vote, but also "cut into
Buchanan's support among the groups, such as the Christian Right,
that had supported him in the past."
   NBC News reported exit polls revealed that 60 percent of
Republican voters -- including a majority of those in Georgia --
thought Buchanan too extreme. But one potential area of weakness
in the voting for Dole is that he is not pulling in as many
former Perot supporters as he had hoped, according to Schneider.
   In addition to Buchanan, Forbes also is expected to stay in
the race for the long haul, partly because he is financing his
own campaign and has plenty of money to spend. Reportedly, Forbes
has spent $1 million in New York, the next major contest. Only
Forbes and Dole are on the ballot statewide in New York, but
Buchanan also is on the ballot in some districts.
   Late March 5, Texas Governor George W. Bush, son of former
President Bush, announced he will endorse Dole, a potentially
significant development since Texas is a large state rich in
delegates. The Texas Primary will occur March 12, Super Tuesday.
   In total, there were eight primaries and four caucuses on
March 5. The total number of delegates at stake is as follows:

   -- American Samoa held a caucus. Three of the six delegates
there were chosen March 5. The other three are party officials
who attend the Republican convention unpledged to any candidate.

   -- Colorado held a primary; 27 delegates were allocated in
accordance with the vote for each candidate. A candidate needs at
least 15 percent of the vote to qualify for delegates.

   -- Connecticut held a primary; 27 delegates were awarded to
the statewide winner.

   -- Georgia held a primary; 33 delegates were awarded to the
winner in each district and nine were allocated at large.

   -- Idaho held a caucus; 18 delegates were chosen by caucus
participants. The remaining six are party officials who attend
the Convention unpledged.

   -- Maine held a primary; 15 delegates were up for grabs;
winner takes all if one candidate gets more than 50 percent of
the vote, otherwise it is proportional.

   -- Maryland held a primary. The top vote getter statewide gets
eight at-large delegates and the top voter in each congressional
district gets three delegates each.

   -- Massachusetts held a primary; 37 delegates, winner takes
       all.

   -- Minnesota held a caucus; 33 delegates will be selected
later at party meetings.

   -- Rhode Island held a primary; 16 delegates awarded to the
statewide winner.

   -- Vermont held a primary; 12 delegates awarded to the
statewide winner.

   -- Washington State held a caucus; 18 of 36 delegates were
chosen, but results will not be announced for several days.
   ---------------

   ----------------
   DOLE WINS GEORGIA

   JIM TEEPLE
   MIAMI

   Senator Bob Dole of Kansas won Georgia's Republican primary
Tuesday, easily defeating his nearest challenger conservative
commentator Pat Buchanan.
   Of the eight states holding primaries Tuesday, Georgia had the
biggest prize, 42 delegates. Bob Dole won the overwhelming
majority of those delegates Tuesday, despite a low turnout which
was expected to favor Pat Buchanan.
   Former Tennessee governor, Lamar Alexander was a distant
third, followed by publisher Steve Forbes.
   Pat Buchanan with a strong base of support in the southern
state was thought to be a serious threat to Bob Dole in Georgia.
However exit polls indicated that over half of GeorgIa's
Republicans thought the conservative commentator's views were too
extreme.
   Merle Black, who teaches southern politics at Emory University
in Atlanta, says Georgia's Republican office-holders also
strongly backed the senior senator from Kansas:
   "Bob Dole is a veteran politician. He has been in national
politics for more than 30 years. He is the choice of office
holders and Republican party officials here. These party
officials are terrified of the idea of Pat Buchanan at the top of
their ticket. They think he would drive out many Republicans. He
might attract some Democrats and independents but he would lose
more votes than he would gain and that a lot of the Republican
seats at other levels would be lost as a result."
   Exit polls indicate Bob Dole also won over significant numbers
of self-described Christian conservatives, strong supporters of
Pat Buchanan. The Republican front-runner won overwhelming
support from self-described moderates and somewhat-conservative
voters Tuesday in Georgia.
   ---------------

   ---------------
   CAMPAIGN '96: AMERICAN CONSERVATISM: THE ROOTS

   BARBARA SCHOETZAU
   NEW YORK

   Republican presidential hopefuls are criss-crossing the
country in a series of statewide contests to determine who will
be the party's nominee to challenge democratic President Bill
Clinton in November's general election. Each Republican candidate
says he is the true heir to the party's conservative tradition.
The conservative banner has become important to winning the
Republican nomination because of the increasingly activist role
conservative voters play in the nominating process. But what does
it mean to be conservative in the United States?
   The term conservative only became widely used as a political
identification in the twentieth century, although there have
always been Americans who espoused a conservative political
philosophy.
   Michael Lienesch (len-ish) teaches political science at the
the University of North Carolina. Historically, professor
Lienesch says, American conservatives have always differed from
their European counterparts:
   "Historically, conservatives are supposed to preserve the past
and in America there is a fundamental irony involved in
preserving the past. The irony is that Americans are natural
progressives so when you preserve the past, you are preserving a
tradition of looking forward, which is a tradition of opportunity
and expansion, movement across the frontier and new frontiers.
Our conservatives, unlike European conservatives, do not reach
way back into the past. They do not value the throne and the
altar."
   In the late 19th century, Christian fundamentalists began to
exert political strength, rallying around a host of so-called
moral issues. Ironically, the best-known fundamentalist in
American history was William Jennings Bryan, the Democratic
Party's presidential candidate in 1896, 1900, and 1904. He urged
the prohibition of alcohol sales and preached against teaching
the theory of evolution in schools.
   But the Christian conservatives who figure so prominently in
today's Republican Party can find their roots in the early
twentieth century. In his book "Redeeming America", Professor
Lienesch traces the growth of the new Christian right:
   "American Christian conservatism was created right after World
War I as a reaction to what were called modernist trends to
changes in religion and society that were seen as threatening to
American values and also reactions to the growth of the American
state. There is a strong libertarian or anti-state quality to
American conservatism."
   Political conservatism in the United States is hard to define
because its meaning has adapted to fluctuations in American
politics. Peter Lawler specializes in political philosophy at
Berry College in the state of Georgia. He recently published a
lengthy article on the roots of American conservatism. Professor
Lawler says, oddly enough, it was a democratic president,
Franklin D. Roosevelt, who defined and gave birth to the modern
conservative movement:
   "He gave a fireside chat in 1938 where he distinguished
between liberals and conservatives. Conservatives were those who
were opposed to the welfare state, who thought the institutions
of the welfare state were unnecessary and counter-productive. So
the bottom level definition of conservatism in America is
opposition to big government, the idea that the welfare state
institutions are wrongheaded, degrading, lead to greater
dependence, undercut personal responsibility and so forth."
   The Roosevelt Administration responded to a severe economic
depression in the United States with a program known as the "new
deal." Under the "new deal", government took a more active role
than ever before in managing the economy and creating social
welfare programs. Most Republicans objected to the huge cost of
the social programs and to the idea of government regulating the
economy, believing that market forces should determine the
outcome of economic difficulties.
   Stephen Salmore, who teaches political science at the Eagleton
Institute for politics at Rutgers University in New Jersey, is a
frequent advisor to Republican candidates. He says the Democrats
won the debate over increasing the government's role in creating
programs to maintain basic social social services, largely
because of the great depression, which was quickly followed by
the second world war:
   "By the end of the war, the public expected certain new deal
programs as something that was their right. That included Social
Security and the basic notion of a federal safety net.
Republicans by the 1950s had given up their opposition to the new
deal and adopted a position that although these were necessary
they could be run more efficiently if there was less government
intervention. They were businesslike and could do a better job
than the Democrats."
   After the second world war, some conservatives returned to the
isolationist wing of the Republican Party. But that changed in
1964, according to Peter Lawler, when the party nominated the
leading conservative in the United States, Arizona Senator Barry
Goldwater, as its presidential candidate:
   "The isolationist element disappeared in the early 60s with
the goldwater movement, which became resolutely anti-communist, a
lot more assertive about America's involvement in the world, a
lot more confident about the goodness of America's institutions
and the desire to see them exported. Then, instead of a
reactionary opposition to the welfare state, a more positive
teaching about liberty, about affluence, about prosperity, and
the possibility that the welfare state was a short-term mistake
that could be done away with and there might be a new birth of
liberty in America."
   After Mr. Goldwater's resounding defeat by President Lyndon
Johnson, Ronald Reagan was widely acknowledged as the
conservative movement's leader. Most conservatives consider Mr.
Reagan's 8 years as president of the United States from 1981
until 1988 the highpoint of the American conservative movement.
Today, each of the candidates vying for the Republican party's
1996 presidential nomination claims to be the true heir to Mr.
Reagan's legacy.
   ---------------

   ---------------
   MORE CONGRESSIONAL RETIREMENTS

   PAULA WOLFSON
   CONGRESS

   The U.S. House of Representatives is losing two more veteran
lawmakers. Democrat Sam Gibbons and Republican Toby Roth have
announced plans to retire.
   Sam Gibbons and Toby Roth are two of the most outspoken,
partisan members of the U.S. Congress. Both have played a role in
drafting legislation dealing with trade and international
economics. And both say they have had enough.
   Mr. Gibbon's announcement took few political observers by
surprise. The feisty Florida Democrat just turned 76 and has
served in congress for 34 years. For most of his legislative
career he was little known outside Capitol Hill and his district.
But in 1994, after many years at the helm of the House
subcommittee on trade, he took over the chairmanship of the
powerful Ways and Means Committee, which is responsible for all
legislation dealing with taxes.
   His tenure was brief. In 1995 Republicans took control of the
House and Senate. But Sam gibbons did not fade away. Instead, he
fought back, often getting into shouting matches with members of
the new congressional majority.
   He was a key player in the fight to pass the North American
free trade agreement, although in the last year or so he changed
his focus from trade to issues of importance to senior citizens.
And while he may be leaving Congress, Sam Gibbons says he is not
leaving politics:
   "God has blessed me with excellent health and lots of vigor
and an active mind. And it is with regret as well as joy that I
say good-bye to this place. Perhaps it won't be just good-bye. I
may be hanging around out here in the corridors and breaking in
on the meetings and making myself known."
   He may be in his 70's but Sam Gibbons calls his retirement
from congress a mid-life change:
   "I think it is time to move on...To do other things... And as
I say I have a lot of things I want to do."
   Mr. Gibbons made his announcement on Capitol Hill about the
same time Toby Roth stunned Washington with word that, he too,
would be stepping down.
   Mr. Roth is one of the most conservative members of the House,
and he revelled in the Republican victory of 1994. Last year, he
was named chairman of the subcommittee on international economics
and trade, and took on the promotion of tourism as a special
cause.
   But after 18 years in Congress, Congressman Roth told voters
in his district in the state of Wisconsin he wants to do
something else. So, it seems, do a lot of other members of the
House of Representatives.
   More than 40 of the 435 members of the House have already
announced they will not run for re-election. Sam gibbons is the
26th Democrat to add his name to the list....Toby Roth is the
15th Republican.
   ---------------
   
   ---------------
   THE FIRST SESSION OF CONGRESS 1789

   On March 4, 1789, the first 1congress under the United States
constitution convened in New York City for its first session. The
national legislature spent many of its early days organizing
committees and establishing leadership in the House of
Representatives and the senate. The first bill passed by the
Congress described how oaths of office were to be administered.
Members debated trade matters and passed a measure for taxing
imports. The Congress also spent weeks on bills creating the
departments of foreign affairs, war and treasury. Congress also
approved the ceremonies planned for the inauguration of George
Washington as the first president of the United States.
   ---------------
   
   ---------------
   FRANKLIN ROOSEVELT'S FIRST INAUGURATION 1933

   On March 4, 1933, Franklin D. Roosevelt was inaugurated as the
thirty-second president of the United States. The new president
used his inaugural speech to address the public fear caused by
the great depression. As he spoke, 13 million Americans, the head
of one of every four households, were jobless in the economic
catastrophe. Scores of banks had failed, factories closed and
farmers had been evicted from their land. Sensing the despair of
the people, Mr. Roosevelt sought to rally them and restore their
confidence:
   "Let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have to
fear, is fear itself. Nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror
which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance."
   Franklin Roosevelt said his greatest task as president would
be to put people back to work.
   ---------------
   =========================

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