THE MONROE DOCTRINE:
        The Monroe Doctrine was expressed during President Monroe'seventh 
annual message to Congress, December 2, 1823:. . . At the proposal of the 
Russian Imperial Government, made through the minister of the Emperor residing 
here, a full power and instructions have been transmitted to the minister of 
the United States at St. Petersburg to arrange by amicable negotiation the 
respective rights and interests of the two nations on the northwest coast of 
this continent. A similar proposal has been made by His Imperial Majesty to 
the Government of Great Britain, which has likewise been acceded to.  The 
Government of the United States has been desirous by this friendly proceeding 
of manifesting the great value which they have invariably attached to the 
friendship of the Emperor and their solicitude to cultivate the best 
understanding with his Government.  In the discussions to which this interest 
has given rise and in the arrangements by which they may terminate the 
occasion has been judged proper for asserting, as a principle in which the 
rights and interests of the United States are involved, that the American 
continents, by the free and independent condition which they have assumed and 
maintain, are henceforth not to be considered as subjects for future 
colonization by any European powers. . .It was stated at the commencement of 
the last session that a great effort was then making in Spain and Portugal to 
improve the condition of the people of those countries, and that it appeared 
to be conducted with extraordinary moderation.  It need scarcely be remarked 
that the results have been so far very different from Cwhat was then 
anticipated. Of events in that quarter of the globe, with which we have so 
much intercourse and from which we derive our origin, we have always been 
anxious and interested spectators.  The citizens of the United States cherish 
sentiments the most friendly in favor of the liberty and happiness of their 
fellow-men on that side of the Atlantic. In the wars of the European powers 
in matters relating to themselves we have never taken any part, nor does it 
comport with our policy to do so. It is only when our rights are invaded or 
seriously menaced that we resent injuries or make preparation for our defense.  
With the movements in this hemisphere we are of necessity more immediately 
connected, and by causes which must be obvious to all enlightened and 
impartial observers. The political system of the allied powers is essentially 
different in this respect from that of America.  This difference proceeds from 
that which exists in their respective Governments; and to the defense of our 
own, which has been achieved by the loss of so much blood and treasure, and 
matured by the wisdom of their most enlightened citizens, and under which we 
have enjoyed unexampled felicity, this whole nation is devoted.  We owe it, 
therefore, to candor and to the amicable relations existing between the United 
States and other powers to declare that we should consider any attempt on 
their part to extend their system to any portion of this hemisphere as 
dangerous to our peace and safety.  With the existing colonies or dependencies 
of any European power we have not interfered and shall not interfere.  But 
with the Governments who have declared their independence and maintain it, and 
whose  [independence is by the United States]  acknowledged, we could not view 
any interposition for the purpose of oppressing them, or controlling in any 
other manner their destiny, by any European power in any other light than as 
the manifestation of an unfriendly act toward the United States.  In the war 
between those new Governments and Spain we declared our neutrality at the time 
of their recognition, and to this we have adhered, and shall continue to 
adhere, provided no change shall occur which, in the judgement of the 
competent authorities of this Government, shall make a corresponding change 
on the part of the United States indispensable to their security.  The late 
events in Spain and Portugal shew that Europe is still unsettled.  Of this 
important fact no stronger proof can be adduced than that the allied powers 
should have thought it proper, on any principle satisfactory to themselves, 
to have interposed by force in the internal concerns of Spain.  To what extent 
such interposition may be carried, on the same principle, is a question in 
which all independent powers whose governments differ from theirs are 
interested, even those most remote, and surely none of them more so than the 
United States. Our policy in regard to Europe, which was adopted at an early 
stage of the wars which have so long agitated that quarter of the globe, 
nevertheless remains the same, which is, not to interfere in the internal 
concerns of any Kits powers; to consider the government de facto as the 
legitimate government for us; to cultivate friendly relations with it, and to 
preserve those relations by a frank, firm, and manly policy, meeting in all 
instances the just claims of every power, submitting to injuries from none.  
But in regard to those continents circumstances are eminently and 
conspicuously different.  It is impossible that the allied powers should 
extend their political system to any portion of either continent without 
endangering our peace and happiness; nor can anyone believe that our southern 
brethren, if left to themselves, would adopt it of their own accord.  It is 
equally impossible, therefore, that we should behold such interposition in 
any form with indifference. If we look to the comparative strength and 
resources of Spain and those new Governments, and their distance from each 
other, it must be obvious that she can never subdue them.  It is still the 
true policy of the United States to leave the parties to themselves, in hope 
that other powers will pursue the same course. . . .

Prepared by Gerald Murphy (The Cleveland Free-Net - aa300)
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