Return-Path: Received: from minuet.skypoint.net by skypoint.com with smtp (Smail3.1.28.1 #6) id m0tg7nF-0004yCC; Sat, 27 Jan 96 04:23 CST Received: by minuet.skypoint.net (Smail3.1.28.1 #6) id m0tg7Vx-0004thC; Sat, 27 Jan 96 04:05 CST Received: from iquest1.iquest.net by minuet.skypoint.net with smtp (Smail3.1.28.1 #6) id m0tg7Vx-0004tYC; Sat, 27 Jan 96 04:05 CST Received: from iquest.net by iquest1.iquest.net with smtp (Smail3.1.29.1 #11) id m0tg7EY-000BBvC; Sat, 27 Jan 96 04:47 EST Received: from ind-004-236-172.iquest.net by iquest.net with smtp (Smail3.1.28.1 #16) id m0tg7Df-000338C; Sat, 27 Jan 96 04:46 EST Message-Id: Date: Sat, 27 Jan 96 04:46 EST X-Sender: lindat@iquest.net X-Mailer: Windows Eudora Version 2.0.3 Mime-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: text/plain; charset="us-ascii" To: news@aen.org X-UIDL: 822792154.024 From: lindat@iquest.net (Linda Thompson, American Justice Federation) Subject: 3/4 Murder: Note the Defense Contractors Named Status: U Part 3 of 4 parts continued If this arrives garbled, please let me know. We've had great difficulty sending/receiving this text due to intentional interference with email traffic. AEN NEWS Courtesy of one of our great sources who prefers to remain unknown. Summary: Kohn, Howard. Who Killed Karen Silkwood?, New York, New York, Summit Books, 1981. Kohn is an award-winning investigative reporter and Senior Editor at Rolling Stone magazine. He investigated the Silkwood case since 1974. ===================================== Lovin had worked for the undercover squad, calling it "a miniature CIA." They kept dossiers on anyone Georgia Power didn't like for whatever reason, detailing information about their sex lives, creditors, and enemies. Georgia Power may not have liked someone because he was anti-nuclear, because he was a union activist, or because she was the little old lady who complained about her bill being so high. Lovin said they even had one on Silkwood which they obtained through the network, an organization which had a school located in Fort Lauderdale. The Georgia Power men in Florida "had been with JM WAVE, the CIA guerrilla army that warred on Castro in the sixties." Taylor found the school, Audio Intelligence Devices, Inc., surrounded by fencing with signs saying to keep out and having a landing strip in back. When Taylor returned to his motel room, trouble was waiting for him: Two men had entered his room, ransacking and destroying its contents. One of them stabbed him while the other hid behind the bed. Taylor defended himself, taking the knife away from the attacker and stabbing him with it. The two then ran away. When Taylor returned home, his wife was worried because their home had been burgled. Someone was tailing him. Taylor doubled back, ambushed the tail, and discovered the tail was carrying identification as an Iranian secret policeman. Further investigation revealed the school in Florida to be the place to learn spy techniques, bugging, wiretapping, etc. It was an "international intersection for spies" who flew in from all over the world. Audio Intelligence also sold state-of-the-art spy equipment. Georgia Power and many local police departments from all over the United States had been steady customers, particularly from "states where it's illegal for cops to have wiretap equipment. Like Oklahoma." The Oklahoma City Police Department had been a customer, which begs the question, why would Okie cops need heavy duty espionage training? Tracking plutonium for Kerr-McGee was the only answer which made any sense. It had been confirmed that the Red Squad within the Oklahoma City Police Department did have spy equipment. A couple of reporters had obtained a copy of an inventory of the police department's equipment. Included on the inventory were wiretaps, disguiseable microphone transmitters, beeper devices used for tailing cars, equipment to covertly monitor conversations, and a debugging transmitter to check for wiretaps. Some of this equipment had been purchased from Audio Intelligence prior to Silkwood's death. Taylor also discovered old Kerr-McGee envelopes hidden in the barn behind the old farm belonging to Sherry's grandmother. One envelope had been stuck behind a plank. One of Taylor's old war buddies, Royer, had been hired to investigate. "While checking out a tip that Karen had been tailed to and from Los Alamos, [Royer] was jumped and shot behind the ear." Later, Taylor discovered that his office had been broken into and his file on the Silkwood case had been stolen, despite having stashed it in an elaborate hiding place. During Drew's deposition, Kerr-McGee's lawyer, Bill Paul, compulsively and voyeuristically kept returning to sexual subjects over and over again, attempting to paint Karen in a perverted light. During the deposition taken of Kitty, an anti-nuclear activist, Paul asked for names. Kitty refused and said she didn't want any more activists harassed. When Paul self-righteously said Kerr-McGee doesn't do that, she started to rattle off example after example. Paul then withdrew the question. During Sara's deposition, Sara asked Paul point blank whether Kerr-McGee had any of them under surveillance. All the Kerr-McGee lawyers had to leave the room. Upon returning, Paul answered off the record, no. When Sara asked him to swear to it, he refused, saying he didn't want to dignify the suggestion. In the midst of the investigation, there had been a secret report being passed around among people in Washington: The Barton Report. It had been commissioned by the Nuclear Regulatory Commission to assess the future of nuclear power. In it, the civil liberties section envisioned an Orwellian scene in which secret agencies were allowed to conduct surveillance without first obtaining a court order. The report saw a time when those critical of nuclear power could be detained without any need for formal charges and when those just suspected of nuclear terrorism could be tortured. Witnesses in the Silkwood case complained that Kerr-McGee owned everything, were tight with the judges, and had "people on all the civic committees, the hospitals, the schools, everything. No one wants to alienate them." In this part of the country, great value was placed by the citizens on minding your own business. Because of that, intimidation, and the threat to their jobs, no one wanted to talk. Witnesses were routinely tailed, surveilled, and photographs were taken. In one case, the Kerr-McGee security chief, Reading, even attempted to interfere with one witness' ability to get a loan in another city by smearing him. Sara and Kitty used their activist skills to form coalitions between the National Organization of Women, the Sierra Club, the Lawyers Guild, unions, and any other political organization sympathetic to the Silkwood case. They worked hard to get the story in the news, since there had been a blackout on the case. Immediately after Silkwood's murder, news about the case was common and reporters dug for the facts. But after Kerr-McGee threatened to move their world headquarters out of Oklahoma, news sources began towing the line. Editors and reporters began having confidential chats with Reading and subsequently writing stories which smeared the case and supported Kerr-McGee. There were a few reporters who wouldn't comply. One was transferred and the other was fired. One newspaper received a letter from Kerr-McGee saying the case was a national security issue. Srouji was so unpredictable, Sheehan never knew which way she was going to be blowing. It complicated the case unbelievably. If she claimed to be a journalist, she then had first amendment protection. If she claimed to be an agent, she then sought protection under national security. Kitty started a study on nuclear workers to assess whether they had ever been contaminated or had health problems as a result, things like cancer, miscarriages, birth defects, fathers passing the defects to their children, etc. Kerr-McGee sent all their former employees a letter warning them to not participate in the study or else they would get embroiled in the law suit. One such employee was angry about the threatening letter since he had been a worker there and saw all those people breathing in the poisoned air. The employee said, One time...a fire broke out and there was radiation everywhere. I went in and told the manager we had to stop and clean up. He said, "Let's go out front!" - which meant I was gonna get the axe. So I put the men in respirators, and they came out hotter than little red wagons. It was push, push, push - production first and to hell with everything else. The employee had also witnessed the moon-suits ripping apart Karen's apartment: "She was standing there, tears running down her cheeks, a scared little girl." While attempting to put together her own study, Kitty received a call from Dr. Thomas Mancuso. He informed her that her study of a few hundred would not produce significant results as the study sample was too small to be statistically significant. No matter what her results, they couldn't be generalized to all nuclear workers. Mancuso was in the process of studying a sample of thirty thousand nuclear workers, monitoring their health effects. Unfortunately, the government was in the process of suppressing his research because of what it proved. He had ingeniously thought of using social security numbers to track workers from long ago, workers who had likely retired, died, or moved. For seventeen years, Mancuso had been the industrial hygiene director for the state of Ohio. Another researcher, Dr. Milham, was studying the abnormally high rate of cancer among nuclear workers at Hanford, Washington's fast-breeder facility. But the Atomic Energy Commission was trying to stop Milham from publishing his findings: It was an accelerating curve where workers were dying in increasing numbers, particularly from pancreatic cancer and bone-marrow cancer. The safety level had been set through guesswork at five rems per year. Yet, the Hanford workers had been exposed on the average to ten to thirty times lower than five rems. It was clear the maximum legal dose should be lowered by at least ten, to half a rem a year. Milham's findings confirmed Mancuso's findings. But the Atomic Energy Commission, now called Energy Resource and Development Administration, wouldn't let Mancuso complete his study, cutting off his funding, circulating a negative critique of his study, telling him they didn't want to see his study in print. Worst of all, now they were telling him he had to give up all of his files and readouts, or else have all twenty-four filing cabinets seized. Mancuso said, "I thought this sort of thing only happened in Russia." Then the Nuclear Regulatory Commission joined with the Energy Resource and Development Administration in demanding he forfeit his data. Then the Health Physics Society organized a panel for Mancuso to tell his story. But the panel met him with sarcasm. When Mancuso attempted to defend himself, the moderator told him he had to wait his turn. "When it came, the moderator cut him off because his remarks were 'too political.'" Then Mancuso's friend grabbed the mike and read a letter from Congressman Rogers, explaining how the Atomic Energy Commission had supported Mancuso's study until the findings revealed the standards for rem were set too high. "A man in a Navy uniform wrestled the mike away and shut it off. The scientific discussion ended in near-bedlam." Obviously, Mancuso had been lured there to bring him into line with the rest of his peers, peers Mancuso thought were no better than book-burners. Dr. Mancuso said, Science, it's the new religion. All these scientists, they're trying to be high priests. They're the men of purity. Not the purity of what the numbers show, but the purity of blind faith....They knew all along radiation could cause cancer. They were even hypocritical in the way they set the standards - one for workers, another one for the public. A worker can be legally dosed with five times as much as a regular citizen. Why? A worker isn't five times more immune....I used to think it was unprofessional to speak out against fellow scientists. Not any more. The difference in standards set for workers compared to the public had to do with the profit margin for the nuclear industry. Dr. Ernest Sternglass was one of the very first scientists in the United States to warn of nuclear danger. In an article in the Bulletin of Atomic Scientists in 1969, he said that four hundred thousand people were being killed from fallout in the atmosphere. He was ridiculed by "the Atomic Energy Commission, the National Academy of Sciences, the New York Times, and the Washington Post." The National Institutes of Health cut off his funding. The Atomic Energy Commission even paid a group of scientists to refute Sternglass' findings. Drs. Gofman and Tamplin "were still with the Atomic Energy Commission; they were still Good Germans. But they were coming up with calculations that refuted the Atomic Energy Commission more than they refuted Sternglass." Other doctors came forward. Dr. Irwin Bross had concluded that as little as one tenth of a rem of radiation "increased the risks of leukemia and genetic damage." As soon as his research went public, his grant had been terminated. Dr. Edward Radford, chairman of a National Academy of Sciences committee, testified that people are being deformed and are dying. The rem standard needed to be lowered immediately to a tenth of what it was. Immediately following this scientific testimony, the Atomic Industrial Forum sent someone to explain to the subcommittee members: Since the companies couldn't afford safety precautions, if they lowered the rem standard, workers would be let go as soon as they had the maximum dose, turning the nuclear work force into transient laborers. "Barflies and summer-vacation students are already being pulled in off the street to do repairs and other hot jobs." Besides Drs. Abrahamson and Geesaman, two other Atomic Energy Commission researchers had also jumped ship, Dr. John Gofman and Dr. Arthur Tamplin. They had been working as scientists for the Atomic Energy Commission until their own enlightenment, at which point they wrote a book called Poisoned Power, an indictment of nuclear energy. Dr. Gofman had been the father of plutonium, spending three weeks cooking a ton of uranium salt to obtain a drop of pure plutonium for the War Department during World War II. He felt the risk was worthwhile then because of being up against an enemy without morals. But, today, he felt the risk should be taken only by those soldiers and scientists who are informed in advance that their lives are on the line. He said, "The license to give out doses of plutonium is a legalized permit to murder." He testified that Silkwood was "unequivocally married to lung cancer." During a press interview, Dr. Gofman, when asked what he would think if the nuclear industry solved the problem of waste disposal, Dr. Gofman replied, That's just the final phase of waste disposal. There'd still be all the other phases: sealing it in drums, transporting it, loading and unloading it, and so forth. In the last four years there have been more than three hundred traffic accidents involving nuclear shipments. Outside Denver a truckload of uranium yellow cake lay on the ground for twelve hours, blowing about loose because everyone else was confused about who was responsible for cleaning it up. Nuclear waste is escaping into the environment all the time. By early next century, not so far in the future, radiation from waste and other nuclear sources will be killing two hundred thousand Americans a year with cancer. Dr. Karl Morgan also came forward. He was the father of health physics, the Atomic Energy Commission's foremost health physician for more than thirty years and creator of the Health Physics Society. He was not naive about censorship. One time, twenty-four hours before he was to address a symposium in Nuremberg, Germany, his superiors at the Atomic Energy Commission had destroyed all two hundred copies of his speech. They had ordered him to read a speech that did not make any criticisms of the fast-breeder, however mild. And he did have criticisms....In the overall debate he was nonpartisan....He had agreed to testify [in the Silkwood case] because of Bob [Kitty's husband] and Stockton, whom he knew and respected, and because of the files. He had read them. The history they described, the spills, leaks, dirty respirators, had made him sick. "The [Kerr-McGee] operation at Cimarron was callous, almost cruel," he testified. "It was like sending someone into a lion's cage and not telling them there were animals inside." Strong stuff, for a nonpartisan. Two witnesses, former employees at Kerr-McGee, willing to come forward were both stopped, one because of a visit from Kerr-McGee threatening to take away his franchise gas station and annul the mortgage, and the other because his previous years in the military made him respect the label national security. The first judge appointed to the Silkwood court case was clearly in Kerr-McGee's corner, ruling that one friendly witness was not allowed to discuss the missing nuclear material and that Srouji didn't have to. He also allowed the Justice Department, the Federal Bureau of Investigation, the Nuclear Regulatory Commission, and Kerr-McGee to withhold much evidence behind a guise of national security. Sheehan proceeded to intentionally infuriate the judge, hoping the judge would make some unjudicial remarks on the record, which he did. When informed that Sheehan was drafting a recusal motion to have him removed, the judge voluntarily transferred the case to another judge. The next judge was also clearly prejudicial, telling them their case was "in the clouds" and that they had sued a lot of people they shouldn't have. Of twenty-one requests made by Sheehan, the judge rejected twenty. He also told them they had to go to trial whether they were ready or not. A little investigation revealed that this judge had been placed on the bench by Senator Kerr, co-founder of Kerr-McGee, when he was still alive. The judge had been an old family friend who had masterminded Kerr's election. Sheehan drafted another recusal motion. The next judge was imported from Wichita, Kansas at the request of the Tenth Circuit Court of Appeals. His first move was to make sure that some of the files that had been requested by Sheehan be produced by the other side. After Jung, a former employee at Kerr-McGee who had requested anonymity, was identified in a deposition, she was then harassed. She suffered two break-ins at her trailer, though nothing was taken: Only the papers on her desk had been pillaged. Then a heavy car chased her home. The car came within inches of her bumper, braked, wheeled around in a sideswiping move, pulled in front, slowed to a reptilian pace: a terrifying sequence. When she got up the nerve to pass, she was pursued at speeds up to eighty-five miles an hour over gullied rural roads. She made it home; but since then there had been other harassments. Anonymous callers, throaty voices in the night, had been dunning her with cold advice. They told her things like, don't do anything you might regret, think of your health, and do the smart thing. The Church had been supporting Sheehan's work on the case, but ultimately pulled back as well. "Like Wall Street, the Church is willing to do political work, as long as it doesn't make their big rich contributors unhappy." Reporters were invited by Bill Paul, the Kerr-McGee lawyer, to attend depositions which focused on Silkwood's personal life, but were not invited to depositions of former employees who told the truth about work conditions. Depositions of FBI agent Olson and Kerr-McGee security chief Reading were stalled by their refusing to answer questions, hiding behind the cloak of national security. Then, when Sheehan spoke to a reporter and an article surprisingly made it into the newspaper, Paul accused Sheehan of manipulating the press and slandering Kerr-McGee, requesting a gag order on Sheehan. Another witness told the story about how, after Silkwood's possessions were taken into custody by Kerr-McGee, moon-suits had picked through everything while two narcs observed, obviously waiting to come across a drug stash in hopes of having Silkwood busted. But their search revealed no drugs, only moon-suits "holding up frilly panties and laughing." Senator Kerr had been king of the hill in Washington. He was the richest, most powerful man there, controlling everyone. Upon his death, two million dollars in cash had been found in his safe, money not accounted for in the books. Bobby Baker testified before going to prison for influence peddling that some of the money was a bribe from S&L executives. Baker was Kerr's protege, like father and son. Baker had also been his bagman, as well as keeper of secrets, among them that Kerr had kept his mistress on the senate payroll. Kerr and McGee had both been involved in the Arkansas River scandal, where they bought up useless land, then used public money to extend the river into this land and built a seaport, inflating the price of the land by millions and millions. Kerr-McGee had also conspired to inflate the price of materials sold to the state. Kerr-McGee then attempted to get back its reputation through high-profile propaganda and goodwill charity. Kerr-McGee had a particularly close relationship with the Atomic Energy Commission. Senator Kerr and the Atomic Energy Commission chairman, Lewis Strauss, had been friends. The Atomic Energy Commission favored Kerr-McGee with ten times the contracts over any other single company. In one case, Kerr-McGee got the contract despite the fact that the uranium had to travel four hundred extra miles by ferry, bypassing numerous other companies on the way, to arrive at the Atomic Energy Commission facility. Small companies complained that Kerr-McGee's influence peddling was going to bankrupt them, which it did. Investigator Stockton had called down the ire of the Central Intelligence Agency director when he had uncovered the paper trail of another scandal. The Nuclear Materials and Equipment Corporation had lost five hundred seventy-two pounds of uranium. The company said two hundred pounds of the loss was normal. The Joint Committee on Atomic Energy had responded, "only if the factory had run seven days a week, twenty-four hours a day since before the Revolutionary War." Then, the Atomic Energy Commission investigator on the case had quit to take a cushy job at the private company being investigated. Further, the Justice Department had closed their investigation after only nine days because they decided that there was no one to prosecute. The Central Intelligence Agency, the Atomic Energy Commission, the Joint Committee on Atomic Energy, the Federal Bureau of Investigation, the Justice Department, and LBJ had known about the scandal as well as the fact that the missing uranium had probably gone to Israel "so Israel could become the world's seventh nuclear nation-state....It had been a cover-up so vast it seemed unmanageable, but it had been managed, and it had gone on and on" stretching over ten years. Stockton had uncovered evidence that an Israeli agent with the Mossad had infiltrated the private company. "Veteran journalist Tad Szulc had reported that the CIA was, in fact, a silent partner in the smuggling ring." In his attempts to plea bargain his criminal case pending at this time, Richard Helms offered that he had evidence that the whole thing was LBJ's responsibility. Since LBJ would get the CIA off the hook, the CIA was enraged that Stockton was interfering in the case. None of the men who had conspired and lied in this case ever went to prison, nor did they suffer from any public disgrace. Nothing happened to the criminals thanks to Helms' plea bargain and lack of prosecutorial zeal at the Justice Department. Srouji's book finally came out, an indictment of Silkwood as a "suicidal fanatic turned into a union patsy." The Atomic Industrial Forum was helping Srouji promote the book. The Nuclear Regulatory Commission finally decided to inform Congressman Dingell of the exact figure of plutonium missing from Kerr-McGee, sixteen pounds, a figure Stockton had great difficulty believing. A secretary for the Oklahoma City Police Department admitted she had typed up transcripts of wiretap tapes recorded on Audio Intelligence cassettes. She said the Oklahoma City Police Department had a Red Squad which did wiretapping. "Kerr-McGee knew all about it." After confronted, one cop said, "No, siree. None of our people did that, not in their official capacities," accenting the word official. It was discovered that the Oklahoma City Police Department had purchased their wiretapping equipment from Audio Intelligence through Thomas Bunting, who was a captain in the Oklahoma State Bureau of Investigation. After informing Bunting's lawyer that he would be deposed, Bunting stalled with claims of police security. When his attorney was informed that the deposition would take place the following week, Bunting was found dead within a few days. He was forty-four and had died supposedly of a cerebral hemorrhage. Bunting had been the third person on Sheehan's witness list to die in the previous three months. The first one had been Senator Metcalf, found dead three days prior to the second one. Metcalf was also buried without benefit of autopsy. The second one had been Leo Goodwin II, the person who originally funded Audio Intelligence. Goodwin was heir to the Geico Insurance fortune. Goodwin, terminal with cancer, had died of supposed congestive heart failure two days before he was to be interviewed for the case. The doctor who signed the death certificate had never even seen the body. While researching nuclear energy, Kitty discovered too many accidents. A nuclear dump in Illinois, declared by the Nuclear Regulatory Commission to not be a hazard to health, was feared by local officials who had fenced off nearby swimming holes because fish and cattle were dying with strange diseases. In Kentucky, nuclear waste was leaking into underground streams. In a near criticality at Hanford, cadmium had to be pumped into a waste trench twenty-four hours a day to prevent an explosion when the plutonium waste began collecting in one end of the trench. For years, the Nuclear Regulatory Commission and Atomic Energy Commission had told the public that it was not possible for a waste pit to go critical. They hadn't believed it when just such a story had come out of the Soviet Union: A nuclear waste dump had exploded in late 1957 or early 1958, a fact which was later confirmed. The Central Intelligence Agency and United States officials had known about it from the beginning. The Soviet dump had been in an area of small villages and nomadic tribes, but the victims filled all the nearby hospitals. The people vomited; their eyes went white. Hundreds, perhaps thousands, died. The ground looked like the surface of the moon, blistered and cracked from the heat. The air had a charcoal taste. Only the chimneys were left standing in one village. The main highway was closed for nine months. When it reopened, there were signs telling motorists to drive through at top speed with their car windows closed. Even after the land repaired itself, radiation lingered. Topsoil had to be scraped off and bulked in a nuclear landfill. Mushrooms and wild berries sprouted and grew huge, to the size of tennis balls, but they couldn't be eaten. Fishing wasn't allowed. Ten years later, pregnant women were still being advised to have abortions. There had been many deformed babies with beveled lips and nubs for arms. Kitty's file disclosed so many difficulties in the nuclear industry. Nuclear waste accidents seemed to be found everywhere: Radioactive curium from New York's West Valley disposal site had left a trail down the Cattaraugus Creek, across Lake Erie, over Niagara Falls, into Lake Ontario. Cesium and cobalt from the Indian Point reactor on Long Island had settled in the Hudson River. One million gallons of radioactive waste embalmed in metal barrels had been sunk off the coasts of Delaware, Maryland, and California. The barrels, steel with a concrete matrix, were corroding. Men in minisubmarines had begun tests near the Farallon Islands, fifty miles west of San Francisco, after gigantic sponges were found growing on the barrels. About sixty-seven thousand barrels were at the bottom of the Atlantic and another forty-seven thousand in the Pacific. No one knew the exact total: The Atomic Energy Commission had destroyed its records of the dumping. During a rally to educate the public about nuclear power, a farmer spoke, giving "surprising statistics about how nuclear facilities drive down the value of adjoining land." Shipyard workers at a nuclear submarine base were suffering from cancer. Recently, the United States Geological Survey had made the results of their two year study available to the public. "According to the government's own experts, there was no such thing as a 'fail-safe method of storing nuclear waste' and never would be." During another anti-nuclear convention, many delegates showed up from all over the country. A farmer had driven from Minnesota in his running-board pickup. Up north the utility companies had criss-crossed the land with megawatt power lines. You could hear the electricity crackle and feel it like a heavy tingle. It was electromagnetic radiation, and it was scaring cows to death, killing them with heart attacks. Some farmers had become midnight raiders, toppling the towers with bolt-cutters. An undercover agent had infiltrated their group, posing as a reporter, but the farmers had found him out and left him to walk barefoot out of a frozen swamp. People wonder whether Silkwood would have supported the nuclear industry while attempting to reform it or whether she would have become a member of the anti-nuclear movement. Silkwood had been very bright, an A student, winner of a scholarship, leader of her science club in school, and the only girl student in the advanced chemistry class. She was Kind regards, *********************** V ************************* DEATH TO THE NEW WORLD ORDER **************************************************** Linda Thompson American Justice Federation Home of AEN News & news videos, "Waco, the Big Lie," "America Under Siege" 3850 S. Emerson Ave. Indianapolis, IN 46203 Telephone: (317) 780-5200 Fax: (317) 780-5209 Internet: lindat@iquest.net ************************************************** Remember Waco. The Murderers are still free. *************************************************** The Army courtmartialed Spc. Michael New for not wearing a U.N. hat, but the Army won't courtmartial the 160th and 158th Special Operations, 82nd Airborne, Ft. Hood Cav and 10th Mountain Div. soldiers who helped MURDER CHILDREN at Waco. What's wrong with this picture? ******************************************** Do you pay taxes because you are afraid if you don't, the feds will take your paycheck, your house, your car, and put you in prison? Funny, when the mafia does it, that's called CRIMINAL EXTORTION. THIS YEAR, JOIN 50 MILLION AMERICANS AND JUST SAY NO. And never give up your guns. *********************************************** The reasonable man adapts himself to the world; the unreasonable one persists in trying to adapt the world to himself. Therefore all progress depends on the unreasonable man. -George Bernard Shaw