Return-Path: Received: from minuet.skypoint.net by skypoint.com with smtp (Smail3.1.28.1 #6) id m0tg7nE-0004yCC; Sat, 27 Jan 96 04:23 CST Received: by minuet.skypoint.net (Smail3.1.28.1 #6) id m0tg7Vu-0004tLC; Sat, 27 Jan 96 04:05 CST Received: from iquest1.iquest.net by minuet.skypoint.net with smtp (Smail3.1.28.1 #6) id m0tg7Vt-0004tYC; Sat, 27 Jan 96 04:05 CST Received: from iquest.net by iquest1.iquest.net with smtp (Smail3.1.29.1 #11) id m0tg7BV-000BBuC; Sat, 27 Jan 96 04:44 EST Received: from ind-004-236-172.iquest.net by iquest.net with smtp (Smail3.1.28.1 #16) id m0tg7Ah-000338C; Sat, 27 Jan 96 04:43 EST Message-Id: Date: Sat, 27 Jan 96 04:43 EST X-Sender: lindat@iquest.net X-Mailer: Windows Eudora Version 2.0.3 Mime-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: text/plain; charset="us-ascii" To: news@aen.org X-UIDL: 822792154.023 From: lindat@iquest.net (Linda Thompson, American Justice Federation) Subject: 2/4 Murder: Note the Defense Contractors Named Status: U Part 2 of 4 parts continued (screwed up the first message, it said 1/1 and should have been 1/4) If this arrives garbled, please let me know. We've had great difficulty sending/receiving this text due to intentional interference with email traffic. AEN NEWS Courtesy of one of our great sources who prefers to remain unknown. Summary: Kohn, Howard. Who Killed Karen Silkwood?, New York, New York, Summit Books, 1981. Kohn is an award-winning investigative reporter and Senior Editor at Rolling Stone magazine. He investigated the Silkwood case since 1974. ============================================= complicated, unpopular problems." An official from Westinghouse told Stockton that forty-four pounds of plutonium was unaccounted for at Kerr-McGee, only to suddenly recant later. Others, including Atomic Energy Commission inspectors, said the same thing to journalist Burnham, but refused to go on the record. One worker said that if Silkwood had kept her nose out of things, she would still be alive. Another told Stockton to get out of town or else he would be shot. Win Turner, another honest congressional investigator, said the final Government Accounting Office report had problems. They had relied almost exclusively upon Kerr-McGee and the Atomic Energy Commission for all of their information. "The report reads like concentric circles." But the report said that security around nuclear energy plants was "inadequate at best." There were thirty-six violations in one plant alone. At two others, unauthorized people had gotten into high-risk areas. At another, doors were unlocked and alarms turned off. Three had huge holes in the surrounding fences. For the last twenty-three years, a total of eight thousand pounds of nuclear material, cumulative for all facilities, was missing. In one case, a whole truckload was missing. The possibility existed that it was being sold either on the black market, or on the gray market, "an international consortium of seventy-nine companies from eighteen countries" known as the World Nuclear Fuel Market. About half were American companies, some of which had been shipping nuclear material overseas. Since 1973, after Nixon had slid through a legal loophole, the Nuclear Regulatory Commission only had to approve the first leg of the sale. Once the American companies sold it to European companies, it went anywhere. Prior to 1973 when only the government could sell nuclear material, these companies could have been charged with treason. In 1976 alone, sixty pounds of plutonium was sold through private commercial sales. Congress was still unaware of what was happening with this gray market. The new loophole presented a vast temptation to companies to lie regarding the nuclear matter stuck in their pipes, stockpile it, then sell it secretly overseas. Munitions companies had been secretly doing it with weapons for years. Turner thought that the Silkwood case smelled to high heaven. He was not willing to go so far as to say the Federal Bureau of Investigation or the Government Accounting Office were covering up, but they certainly were not thorough in their investigations. "This lady was set to blow the whistle on Kerr-McGee, and they're trying to say she nodded off on her way to do it? I don't buy it." He wouldn't chalk it up to a drug overdose either. Turner said that Stockton had "the impression there's a really powerful force that doesn't want the truth to come out." Congressman Dingell and Senator Metcalf were reluctant to take the case because it was so controversial. When Turner put in a standard request for plane fare to go investigate on site, his request was denied. Stockton and Turner went to find out why. They were told they just wanted to make trouble for people who had just been following orders and doing their jobs. Stockton and Turner objected, saying the case justified the request since it involved allegations of murder, fraud, and smuggling plutonium. Their answer: "You've been told national security is at stake. You're both old enough to take a hint. The case is out of bounds." Stockton and Turner uncovered letters from the Atomic Energy Commission to Kerr-McGee dating back to November of 1972 and March of 1975 which referenced missing plutonium and warning Kerr-McGee about its lack of security. The Atomic Energy Commission's concern about it progressively worsened until it was requesting daily reports from Kerr-McGee. Then, inexplicably, the Atomic Energy Commission's attitude suddenly reversed: Inspectors were recalled and Kerr-McGee's operations were allowed to go forward with no further interference. One news investigator was told by a Kerr-McGee executive, "All we have to do now is get rid of the rest of the trouble-makers." The executive went on to describe a plan to shut down Kerr-McGee temporarily so that lie-detector tests could be administered. Union organizers would not be hired back, but told they simply did not clear security. True to the plan, when people were called back to work, the union organizers were let go, all except for one, Jack Tice, too close to the Labor Relations Board to fire. So they did the next best thing, restricted him to an isolated warehouse where organizing people was impossible since he never saw any. Another employee verified the plan. One of the Kerr-McGee workers said that, when five workers had been contaminated on the job, their Kerr-McGee supervisors were saying "it was a deliberate masochistic act - and for this ostensible reason" they were shutting down and running lie detector tests. Workers had to pass security before they could return to work. During the lie detector tests, which were designed by Jim Reading, Kerr-McGee's security chief, Kerr-McGee was asking some strange questions, none of which had anything to do with security, like: Have you ever talked to Karen Silkwood? To Drew Stephens? To Steve Wodka? To Ilene Younghein? To the news media? Are you a member of the union? Have you been involved with anti-company or anti-nuclear activities? Have you ever had an affair with another employee? Do you know anyone who has? Reading was, overall, a man who Nazis would have been proud to claim as their own. He had developed a band of personal stooges. They began rumors about Silkwood to smear her. They claimed she was a liar who had no proof and no documents. Because of the one Quaalude, they said she died in a drug stupor. Because of her attempts to improve safety, they said she was out to get the company, that she was trying to get the Atomic Energy Commission to yank Kerr-McGee's operating license. People on the street believed the rumors. One of them felt she must have been a real dope addict to slam her car at fifty miles an hour into a cement culvert. The rumors were that she had a plan: "Sneak out plutonium, poison herself, blame the company, then commit suicide and hope that that too was blamed on Kerr-McGee." Evidence showed otherwise: There had been seventy-three contaminations prior to Silkwood's that Kerr-McGee didn't care about, so why would seventy-four suddenly matter? Further, if Silkwood had wanted to embarrass Kerr-McGee, she would have done it at a Kerr-McGee site, not at her own apartment. The disregard for workers was illustrated in some examples: One guy got hot his first day there. He quit the next day, and no doctor was ever sent to diagnose him. Another time the company waited a full day to call in a doctor for seven workers who were hot, and it was four days before they were checked for lung damage. When Silkwood's sister came to investigate, she was stopped by a young state trooper, who looked startled when he found out she was Silkwood's sister. The cop told her, "You best get yourself to Texas and stay there." Kerr-McGee's assertion that there were no documents was contradicted by eyewitness testimony. One witness, Alma Hall, said she had seen Silkwood's file full of papers. Another witness testified to the same thing and more: Jung had seen her notebook, her Kerr-McGee documents, and Kerr-McGee photomicrographs. But Jung was terrified, crying, and begged investigators not to use her name: "They'd come after me for sure." Later in the investigation, Jung's concerns also included her previous contaminations. Her hair had begun to fall out and she had a tumor in her neck. Later, after the tumor had been removed, packed in preservatives, and sent to Los Alamos for analysis to determine whether it had been infected with plutonium, strangely, the tumor had been detoured to the Dominican Republic and was lost. No one would ever know now. When Silkwood's boyfriend, Drew, tried to pick up copies of magazines and newspapers which were carrying the Silkwood story, they were gone from the newsstand, "as if someone had hopscotched through town buying them all up." When Drew suspected his phones had been bugged, he and Wodka conducted a test, talking up a decoy story over his phone. Shortly, Kerr-McGee's henchman, Reading, was around asking Drew all about it. To be the object of secret intelligence gathering is an intimidating prospect, as Ilene Younghein discovered: A man had been calling her acquaintances, asking questions about her, using the guise that he was checking her references that she had given on a job application. But, Younghein had not applied for any jobs. A whole group had assembled in the senator's office to request hearings. Merle and Bill Silkwood, Karen's mother and father, had traveled to Washington, D.C. to help make the request. It was while they were in Washington the day before they saw the senator that their other daughter, Rosemary, was in a strange accident in Nederland, the Silkwoods' home town. The accident seemed like a warning. She had been driving along an access road over by Beaumont and did not see the other driver until he shot out of a dead-end street, blindsiding her. Her reflexes were fast, fast and smart. She hit the accelerator and twisted the wheel hard right. The two cars passed close enough for the bumpers to make sparks....Coming out of the spin, her car banged head-on into a phone pole....The other driver had kept going, never touched horn or brake, never looked back. That was what bothered Mr. Silkwood most of all. An innocent driver would have stopped, would have made sure the pretty woman didn't need an ambulance. Unfortunately, this was not the end of harassment for the Silkwood family. While Bill Silkwood was in Washington attending to the lawsuit, someone bothered Linda Silkwood, Karen's other sister. Someone claiming to be her mother called the school Linda attended. The person pretending to be Linda's mother talked to the school secretary, excused Linda from class, and said she would pick up Linda out front to take her to a doctor's appointment. Linda didn't know of any doctor's appointment, but followed the school secretary's instructions, going out front to wait. She had a bad feeling nagging at her. Then a strange car came racing up toward her, frightening her back inside where she phoned her mother. "Then she got really scared: her mother knew nothing of a doctor's appointment." Reading, Kerr-McGee's security chief, was a former cop with quite a network of connections. He used it to smear Pipkin, pulling out old petty details given to him by the Pinkertons and friendly cops. Nitpicking stuff from an old audit by the Internal Revenue Service was placed in the newspapers to make Pipkin look shady. Srouji used the same stuff in her book to smear Pipkin. Those likely to side with Silkwood were visited by Reading. He not only threatened their jobs, but conveyed the message that they should leave town while they still could. Reading put together a dossier on Silkwood, including every rumor conceivable and focusing mostly on sexual material and allegations of homosexuality. Srouji said she had read Reading's transcripts of Silkwood's phone conversations, dozens of them: Apparently Reading had tapped her phones. Drew said Silkwood told him that she had at one time sought love from her girlfriends out of bitterness toward Drew and Silkwood's former husband. It had been a short and unsatisfying experiment for her. But, her girlfriends said Silkwood had simply hung out at a few gay bars in an attempt to make Drew jealous, never sleeping with any women. After lobbying the Federal Bureau of Investigation and the Justice Department to get involved in the investigation, Mazzocchi, a union official, was in a strange car accident. He inexplicably blacked out while driving on the freeway, his car flipping over onto its roof upside down facing two lanes of oncoming traffic. Because he never drank to excess and had never blacked out before in his life, he was very suspicious that someone had slipped him a mickey. He demanded a blood test, which showed no trace of any knock-out pill. He even did an experiment later (with a friend to witness) to see what it would take to get drunk and to see whether he would pass out. Later discussions with a veteran investigator, Taylor, revealed that the Central Intelligence Agency had drugs which could be absorbed through the skin, drugs which couldn't be traced with regular blood tests. Mazzocchi had not been wearing gloves the day he blacked out. He could have absorbed something from the steering wheel through the skin on his palms. Watergate investigations had revealed that the Central Intelligence Agency had a plan to do this very thing to Jack Anderson: It was never carried out because Anderson wore gloves when he drove. Later in the case while Mazzocchi's wife was packing to move, a sophisticated bug had fallen off the back of the kitchen clock when she took it off the wall, a bugging device so sophisticated that no detector could pick it up. Its level of sophistication indicated it had to be obtained through the Central Intelligence Agency, the National Security Agency, or somewhere like Audio Intelligence, a secret spy school for CIA-types. Congressman Tom Bamberger, who held a low opinion of corporate morality, wanted to hold public hearings, an idea which implied that he "didn't have much faith in the Atomic Energy Commission inspectors" or the owners of Kerr-McGee. To hold hearings would go up against formidable resistance from Kerr-McGee. No witnesses wanted to talk in Kerr-McGee country. Kerr-McGee seemed to own the whole place. When he thought about using subpoena power to obtain company records, he didn't think it would be successful because the local judges would just quash the subpoenas "and never miss a beat." He said his best witness was dead, and, having heard the rumors, believed Silkwood had been a "sex-crazed pothead." Bamberger's public hearings never happened: He was unable to get any support for them after Kerr-McGee spoke to the right people, not twisting arms, just purring. "They can purr real nice when they want." There were disturbing comments from Silkwood's old roommate, Sherri Ellis. She isolated herself for the most part after Silkwood's murder. But one time she had been seen in town at a motel with "two men from Kerr-McGee, her face all red-eyed and screwed into a grimace." After that, she betrayed Silkwood by saying that the idea that Silkwood might steal plutonium to embarrass Kerr-McGee was an idea to be considered. Sara, a Silkwood supporter and political activist, later spoke with Sherri and got the whole story of how Kerr-McGee had terrorized her when she was hardly more than a teenager: If you've ever been locked up, you'd know what it was like. There were two of them, company men in white shirts; they took me to the Broadway Motor Inn. They didn't rough me up. But they kept me there a long time and made me believe I'd be the scapegoat if I didn't say Karen did it to herself. After a while I would've told them anything. Sherri had been fired after hiring a lawyer to handle negotiations with Kerr-McGee about compensation: Plutonium had contaminated her, too. She got sick. Her gums were hurting. She couldn't keep down any solid foods, and her muscles ached all over. But her lawyer lost interest in the case real fast, as did the police. Her new apartment had been broken into twice within the first few weeks that she lived there. The police laughed at her, saying, if nothing was taken, then it didn't count. During the second break-in, someone had framed her, planting dope in her closet. After that, she went a little nuts, then quietly disappeared so they would leave her alone. She disappeared to her grandmother's old, deserted farm, where she began to write a book about the case wherein Kerr-McGee was the culprit. The farm was isolated, no phone, and no close neighbors. After she went to town and showed her manuscript around, harassment started again. One day she heard noises and went to get her shotgun: It had been stolen. She saw a man's shadow around the corner of the house. The ducks stopped shrieking and it got quiet. I slid under my bed and held my breath. Stayed there an hour, maybe two, listening for footsteps on the stairs. Couldn't hear a thing. Finally I got bold enough to come out. The man had laid a board across the porch railing and he'd put one of my ducks on the board. It was all stretched out; its neck was snapped. I took it to mean that's what I was gonna be, dead as a duck. After that, she escaped to a Colorado cabin in the woods. When confronted by Kitty Tucker and Sara Nelson, two political activists, about having dropped the case, Sara told a Justice Department representative, "Plutonium couldn't just grow in Karen's refrigerator. The dents in her car couldn't have happened by themselves." The Justice Department representative said the dents were caused by the tow-truck men and the car going off on the wrong side of the road was caused by a strong crosswind. When asked for a copy of their report, he responded that in cases where there is no prosecution, they don't make their reports public. He then accused the women of watching too many who-dun-its on TV. Later, when interviewed on the news, Sara informed them that the Federal Bureau of Investigation and the Justice Department were engaged in a cover up, one that congress should investigate. Investigator Stockton formally requested copies of the Justice Department files, but was denied. The Justice Department spokesman said it was because the case was still under active investigation, when just the day before the whole case had been closed. The spokesman also said it was because part of the case was not available for review due to national security. When asked which part, he said he couldn't say due to national security. Even after three months, Stockton was denied full access. When it came to the plutonium unaccounted for, Stockton couldn't understand why the Federal Bureau of Investigation had not jumped all over the case. If someone had stolen it, the thief had to be someone high up in the company. A flunky couldn't manage it: Stealing a milligram per day would take hundreds of years. Stockton didn't think ten flunkies could manage it. Once the theft had been pulled off, they would have to have the contacts to sell it somewhere, either to the mob or a foreign power. But as far as Stockton knew, the Federal Bureau of Investigation never even checked it out. When he called to ask the agent in charge in Oklahoma City, the agent told him that he had orders not to discuss the missing plutonium with anyone, not even the United States Senate. Jackie Srouji had been a copy editor for a local newspaper in Nashville. But years ago, she had been turned by the Federal Bureau of Investigation into a mole, secret spy who would report back to them. In the Silkwood case, she had access to secret FBI files which had been denied to congress. She was also writing a book on the Silkwood case, a put up job at the request of the Central Intelligence Agency. But no one knew this when she had been called to testify at the hearings. Unfortunately, she gave testimony which revealed nothing new. Only after lulling everyone to sleep with her dull recital, she then interjected insults about Silkwood's personal life which had nothing to do with the hearings and which were mere rumor, just character assassination. Later, her book was also revealed to be merely another character assassination on Silkwood. Srouji said alleged narcotics paraphernalia had been discovered in Silkwood's possession, meaning glass beakers and a hog-nosed needle used in the kitchen for cooking. Stockton said, "Karen would've looked like a small-pox survivor if she'd ever jammed that into her skin." But Silkwood's body had no needle tracks and best friends confirmed that she never used a needle. Srouji also mentioned an anonymous source, probably James Reading, who said that "if [Silkwood] was any kind of human being at all, do you think she would have left her three children? Lesbies don't care. They'll do anything, and that is a significant factor in this investigation." The first move in the investigation made by Olson, an agent from the Federal Bureau of Investigation, had been to visit Reading at Kerr-McGee, excited about the dossier Reading had compiled on Silkwood. Olson's job had been to simply prove Kerr-McGee's side of things. He "devoted himself to finding everyone Karen had slept with." He would get really jacked up about anything that had a sexual angle. As soon as he heard about the contaminated baloney and the in vivo body count being high all through her vaginal area, it was obvious to him that Silkwood had been abusing herself with it: He had mistakenly assumed the baloney was the sausage type, not sliced. Even the phony story about the sixty mile per hour crosswind making Silkwood's car veer on the highway came from the bureau. An old lady in Dallas phoned the FBI with some story about a howling crosswind. A check with the weather bureau revealed the wind that night to be fifteen miles an hour from the northwest, coming from behind the car, not a crosswind. But Olson took the old lady's report as gospel. It was no wonder the bureau resisted so hard when asked to turn over their files. The dossier compiled by Reading was Kerr-McGee's insurance against Silkwood's family suing, lest Karen's private life be made into headlines. Olson introduced Srouji to Reading. Srouji's book was to be a sample of what could happen if the Silkwoods sued. At the request of the Central Intelligence Agency, Srouji was to write the book in order to have an excuse to make inroads in the nuclear industry: Olson had written in an FBI teletype, "It had been suggested that she write a book on the nuclear industry in order to make contacts in that area." Olson's investigation for the Federal Bureau of Investigation seemed incompetent in the extreme. "You can't be as incompetent as he was without doing it deliberately. On everything crucial Olson fell down on the job." He even took Reading's word for it about the missing plutonium. A man who had worked under Hoover and had been with the Federal Bureau of Investigation for forty years, now the number two man in the bureau, Nicholas Callahan, paid a visit to Senator Dingell's office after Srouji's admission that she had gotten access to secret bureau files. When Dingell asked about Srouji, Callahan attempted to intimidate him; told him he was badgering Kerr-McGee, the most important corporation in the state; said his Energy and Environment subcommittee should have little interest in the irrelevant area of a car accident; said the "people behind this are misguided fanatics. They see conspiracies everywhere. You have my word, the Bureau has given this case as much attention as anything since the Reverend King killing," a reassurance that was patently questionable. At the hearings, Lawrence Olson, the FBI agent who had been Srouji's handler, came to testify. Strangely, he was accompanied by two extra agents who never left his side. Investigator Stockton couldn't decide if the extra agents were there to support him or keep him under guard. After testifying each day, Olson would then telephone Stockton at home late at night, begging that Srouji be left out of the questioning to prevent her from being hurt. He started the first phone call by saying, "Now I know what it feels like to be captured by the Gestapo." He also said the bureau could never afford to tell the truth in this matter and never would. He told Stockton that he was in over his head and would never be able to figure out what was going on because it was so complicated: "You'll go crazy trying" to figure it out. Stockton later tried to speak to Olson alone at the hearings, but his guards were ever vigilant, at his side even in the men's room. Congressman Dingell phoned John Seigenthaler, owner of the newspaper where Srouji worked in her cover position as a journalist. Dingell said, "You have an employee who claims to be in possession of secret FBI documents. She's either lying or she's in tight with the FBI. We'd like to know which." Seigenthaler then investigated. Other employees verified that she had the best contacts when it came to the bureau. When he confronted Srouji, she broke down. She said the bureau was intimidating her, forced her to sign a paper saying she had never officially received any files. She said she had met Olson twelve years before when she became an informant for the bureau at age nineteen when she worked for James Stahlman, publisher of the Banner. Stahlman was a personal friend of Hoover. She infiltrated the Students for a Democratic Society, and hung out with students in New York and Berkeley, surveilling for the bureau. Now the bureau was threatening to smear Srouji by telling everyone she was a Soviet agent. She said the FBI sees communists everywhere, and had even asked about the radicals who worked for Seigenthaler. Seigenthaler said, "What radicals?" Srouji explained she had only been attempting to appease the bureau by telling them Seigenthaler's news editor was radical because he had spoken out against nuclear energy. Seigenthaler was the nephew of a law enforcement career man, and was, himself, a law and order man who also required to see a warrant for any search. He had assisted Attorney General Robert F. Kennedy. Seigenthaler had his skull opened by the Ku Klux Klan in Alabama during the freedom rides, while agents from the bureau stood by doing nothing but taking notes. He also knew that Olson was "the FBI agent to see if you wanted to hear the Martin Luther King tapes." Olson was famous for playing the tapes as a form of entertainment. Seigenthaler ran a front page article, firing Srouji, but blaming the bureau for having used and exploited her. He also filed a formal complaint with the Office of Professional Responsibility within the Justice Department about the bureau infiltrating his office. Within an hour of filing the complaint, another FBI agent, Boynton, visited the New York Times reporter who covered the federal police beat, and implied that Seigenthaler should be investigated because he wasn't pure. Upon hearing this, Seigenthaler invited them to investigate him all they wanted. He also remembered that Boynton had been the agent who had pressured Srouji into signing the paper. He also wondered if the reason the Federal Bureau of Investigation was strongarming him to back off was because of the Silkwood case. The bureau was using Hoover's old tricks. When asked if all of Hoover's dossiers of dirt on everyone had been destroyed upon Hoover's death, investigator Stockton replied, "If you believe that, you better watch out for door-to-door salesmen." True to form, the bureau then publicly smeared Seigenthaler in a New York Times article, saying it believed Seigenthaler to be part of a criminal syndicate and had a diabolical mind, but later review of the bureau files indicated that their information was merely rumor which they hadn't been able to corroborate. Another agent testified that Srouji had met with the Federal Bureau of Investigation thirteen times in the weeks just before her testimony was given. The Federal Bureau of Investigation made themselves look ridiculous when it tried "to lump housewives and newspaper columnists in with Stalin." When asked why they were keeping dossiers on anyone opposed to nuclear energy, the bureau agent replied that the communist party had a plan to discourage the use of nuclear power in the United States. When asked whether this was a hypothetical plan or was it really true, the FBI agent said, "I would have to check. Uh, the last time I saw the Communist Party program, it was several years ago...." Immediately after Srouji's testimony, the bureau paid for her a Florida vacation. After the vacation, she was on the news again, this time saying the bureau was trying to discredit her so she wouldn't talk, that Silkwood had information on at least forty pounds of plutonium that had been stolen, and that Silkwood had the exact figures in her possession which pinpointed a skewed inventory and nuclear smuggling. When Srouji took to the news with this information, the bureau retaliated by smearing Srouji, saying she was mentally unstable, and by harassing her family, her parents and her grandmother. Strangely, she had been sane enough for the last fourteen years to work for the bureau and be in the Naval Reserve, placed in a secret operation called Project Seafarer. When Stockton called the Pentagon to get a copy of her discharge, he found out her entire file was missing from the army, but that Callahan of the FBI had a copy, one that Srouji swears was a phony. When Stockton had visited Srouji's book publisher, two things struck him as very odd: First, the offices did not feel right. They looked temporary, and the boss didn't look like an editor, but a Foreign Legion officer. Second, they inexplicably assigned a secretary to drive Stockton to the airport. On the way, she "tried to get very friendly." The implication was that they were attempting to smear Stockton. Later, Srouji admitted the publisher had been CIA. Upon further investigation, it was found that Srouji was known to many political groups, some under various aliases. She had infiltrated them, then tried to get members and leaders to do illegal acts, setting them up. Orders had been sent from on high from within one of the intelligence agencies for her to go to Oklahoma City. Her handler in the CIA was named DeLorenzo. He steered her away from the missing nuclear material, writing in a note, "Concerning the nuclear black market - stay away from that because it would really cause a blowup." Next, they attempted to smear Congressman Dingell with what appeared to be a clear set up, timed to match with Dingell's deadline in the Silkwood case for the Federal Bureau of Investigation to cough up its files. The smear on Dingell used an officer who had been tipped off by the bureau. Some of the evidence had been purchased from an FBI informant. Worst of all, the whole case had been set up at least a year before, as if waiting for just the right time to hit the papers to discredit Dingell. This was when Stockton began to seriously consider thoughts of a conspiracy. Someone from the Justice Department saw and countersigned everything that Olson did, a cover up on a grand scale. There was a Justice Department memo which indicated that a conclusion had been reached before even a third of the evidence was in, a premature conclusion that Silkwood's death had been an accident and that there had been no suspicious circumstances or foul play. A Fact Memorandum, which normally takes weeks to write and runs more than a hundred pages, took only two days to write and ran four and a half pages. It had been assigned to Justice Department employee who had already been given instructions that he was being transferred and had two weeks to close out all of his litigation. They obviously did not want a thorough job done on the Silkwood case. During the course of the Silkwood case, Callahan and six other officials from the Federal Bureau of Investigation who had worked alongside Hoover resigned in disgrace over a scandal where they had been implicated in accepting kickbacks. The sheer scale of scandal within government bothered Stockton greatly. One matronly woman, nicely dressed in a business suit, entered a National Organization for Women convention and passed out high-gloss, expensive flyers propagandizing for nuclear power and for Kerr-McGee, saying defective fuel rods were impossible. She also propagandized against Sils, and covertly videotaping people. Two private firms specialized in working for the nuclear industry, Research West and Information Digest. Georgia Power, owner of two nuclear reactors, had used both firms. Georgia Power was located in Atlanta, along with the World Nuclear Fuel Market, the gray market. Georgia Power even had its own undercover squad with a $750,000 annual budget, nine undercover agents, and lots of fancy-dandy arcana out of a spy catalogue: infrared telescoping cameras, fingerprint kits, two-way radios, a videotape unit, drug-analysis kits, and surveillance cars with a dashboard flip-switch to change headlight configurations and trick a driver being tailed. Georgia Power had justified all this because thieves had been stealing equipment from its Hatch nuclear plant. It appeared, however, that the thieves were corporate executives, not working stiffs, and when William Lovin tried to prove it, he had been fired. Kind regards, *********************** V ************************* DEATH TO THE NEW WORLD ORDER **************************************************** Linda Thompson American Justice Federation Home of AEN News & news videos, "Waco, the Big Lie," "America Under Siege" 3850 S. Emerson Ave. Indianapolis, IN 46203 Telephone: (317) 780-5200 Fax: (317) 780-5209 Internet: lindat@iquest.net ************************************************** Remember Waco. The Murderers are still free. *************************************************** The Army courtmartialed Spc. Michael New for not wearing a U.N. hat, but the Army won't courtmartial the 160th and 158th Special Operations, 82nd Airborne, Ft. Hood Cav and 10th Mountain Div. soldiers who helped MURDER CHILDREN at Waco. What's wrong with this picture? ******************************************** Do you pay taxes because you are afraid if you don't, the feds will take your paycheck, your house, your car, and put you in prison? Funny, when the mafia does it, that's called CRIMINAL EXTORTION. THIS YEAR, JOIN 50 MILLION AMERICANS AND JUST SAY NO. And never give up your guns. *********************************************** The reasonable man adapts himself to the world; the unreasonable one persists in trying to adapt the world to himself. Therefore all progress depends on the unreasonable man. -George Bernard Shaw