NOTE: This is only the first five chapters of this book. GLOBAL TYRANNY ...STEP BY STEP ---===--- The United Nations and the Emerging New World Order by William F. Jasper Published by Western Islands Post Office Box 8040 Appleton, Wisconsin 54913 (414) 749-3786 Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 92-081764 ISBN: 0-88279-135-4 Copyright (c) 1992 by Western Islands All rights reserved (reprinted with permission) To Carmen, Jonathan and Chrisopher, and my father and mother, with love and gratitude. Contents 1. The New World Army 2. In The Name of Peace 3. The UN Founders 4. Reds 5. The Drive for World Government 6. Treaties and Treason 7. The Global Green Regime 8. The UN Grab for Your Child 9. The UN War on Population 10. The New World Money System 11. The Compassion Con 12. The New World Religion 13. UN Regionalism-The European Community 14. Get US out! Bibliography Personal Acknowledgments About the Author Introduction America and the world stand on the brink of one of the most perilous epochs in this planet's history. According to the purveyors of conventional wisdom, communism is dead, the Cold War is over, and the greatest threats to world peace and security are rampant nationalism, inequitable wealth distribution, overpopulation, and environmental degradation. Yet the threat to a just world peace and comity among nations and peoples comes not from political fragmentation, ozone holes, greenhouse gases, an over-abundance of people, a shortage of natural resources, or even from the frequently offered scenarios of "rogue" elements in the former USSR acquiring contro] of nuclear weapons. The true, imminent danger to America and to all nations seeking peace and good will stems from widespread acceptance of the monstrous falsehood that in order to live in an "interdependent" world, all nation-states must yield their sovereignty to the United Nations This lie is given dignity by other lies, chief of which is that Soviet totalitarianism has been buried forever.(1) A too wide acceptance of these dangerous falsehoods is resulting in: 1) a massive transfer of wealth from the taxpayers in the West to the still-socialist governments of the East that remain under the control of "former" communists; 2) the gradual but accelerating merger or "convergence" of the U.S. and Russia through increasing economic, political, social, and military agreements and arrangements; and 3) the rapidly escalating transfer of power -- military, regulatory, and taxing -- to the UN. Unless the fiction underlying these developments is exposed, national suicide and global rule by an all-powerful world government are inevitable. "The Bush Administration," Time magazine noted on September 17, 1990, "would like to make the U.N. a cornerstone of its plans to construct a New World Order."(2) That observation merely stated the obvious. In his speech to the nation and the world on September 11, 1990, Mr. Bush stated: "Out of these troubled times, our fifth objective -- a new world order -- can emerge...." He proceeded to announce his hopes for "a United Nations that performs as envisioned by its founders."(3) It became abundantly clear to veteran students of "world order" politics that a major new push for world government had begun. Only a few years ago, any such attempt would have flopped miserably. During the 1970S and 80S, the UN's record as an enclave of spies, a sinkhole of corrupt spendthrifts, and an antiAmerican propaganda forum for terrorists, Third World dictators, and Communist totalitarians, had thoroughly tarnished its carefully manufactured image as mankind's "last best hope for peace." From 1959, when the UN could boast an 87 percent approval rating, the annual Gallup Poll showed a continuous decline in popularity for the organization. BY 1971, a Gallup survey reported that only 35 percent of the American people thought the UN was doing a good job. BY 1976, Gallup claimed that the support had dropped to 33 percent. In 1980, it declined further to an all-time low of 31 percent. "At no point since [1945]," said Dr. Gallup referring to his latest figures, "has satisfaction with the overall performance of the world organization been as low as it is today."(4) The John Birch Society's long and frequently lonely billboard, bumper sticker, petition, letter- writing, and pamphleteering educational campaigns to "Get US out! of the United Nations" had made good sense to many Americans. In the early years of the Reagan Administration, UN-bashing became positively respectable, even fashionable. U.S. Ambassador to the UN Jeane Kirkpatrick could be seen and heard almost daily denouncing the world body's anti-Americanism, tyranny promotion, and fiscal profligacy. Editorials opposing UN actions and the organization itself began appearing with frequency in local and regional newspapers, and occasionally even in major national news organs. Anti-UN sentiment had already reached the point in 1981 that veteran UN-watcher Robert W. Lee could report in his book, The United Nations Conspiracy: "Today the UN is increasingly regarded not as a sacred cow, but rather as a troika composed of a white elephant, a Trojan horse, and a Judas goat."(6) The supermarket tabloid Star, while not exactly a consistently reliable heavyweight in the news and analysis category, expressed the sentiments of a large and growing segment of the American people with a November 3, 1981 article by Steve Dunleavy entitled, "Rip Down This Shocking Tower of Shame." In March of 1982, syndicated columnist Andrew Tully authored a piece headlined: "[Mayor] Koch Should Chase UN Out of Town."(6) Many similar articles and editorials could be cited, but perhaps one of the most surprising was the August 24, 1987 cover story by Charles Krauthammer for The New Republic, entitled "Let It Sink -- The Overdue Demise of the United Nations." But the advent of Mikhail Gorbachev's "new thinking" in the late 1980s coincided with the beginning of a remarkable rehabilitation in the public's image of the UN. First Gorbachev, and then Boris Yeltsin, won plaudits for reversing the traditional Soviet (or Soviet surrogate) practice of using the UN as a venue for strident antiAmerican diatribes. Yassir Arafat and his PLO terrorists dropped their regular anti-Israel philippics. And the UN's "peacekeepers" won a Nobel Prize and worldwide praise for their roles as mediators in Afghanistan, Cambodia, Central America, Southern Africa, and the Middle East. Then came Operation Desert Storm, the holy war against the aggression of Saddam Hussein. And mirabile dictu, the United Nations was once again the world's "last best hope for peace." Suddenly UN "peacekeepers" began to appear almost everywhere-with more than 40,000 troops in the field in Africa, Asia, Europe, Central America, and the Middle East(7) -- and every new day now brings new appeals for the world body's intervention and "expertise." On United Nations Day 1990, a new Gallup Poll indicated that "American support for the United Nations ... is higher than it has been in over 20 years." According to the national polling organization, "Fifty-four percent of Americans now think the United Nations has done a good job of solving the problems it has had to face...." The poll cited the "rapprochement between the U.S.S.R. and the U.S., and the dissolution of the Iron Curtain," as well as the developing Persian Gulf situation, as major factors contributing to the enhancement of the UN's image.(8) Gallup reported that "almost six out of ten Americans think that the U.N. has been effective in helping deal with the current [ IraqKuwait] crisis, with only 8% saying that the U.N. has not been at all effective." Even more disturbing, if accurate, is the poll finding that 61 percent of those surveyed thought it a good idea to build up the United Nations emergency force to "a size great enough to deal with 'brush fire' or small wars throughout the world."(9) The euphoria following the Persian Gulf hostilities temporarily boosted George Bush's approval rating to an all-time high for any president. Rude economic realities and an accumulating number of political problems then caused his star to plummet just as rapidly as it had risen. The UN's gains, however, appear to have been more durable. As reported by Richard Morin ("U.N. Real Winner After Gulf War," Salt Lake Tribune, January 24, 1992), a survey by the Americans Talk Issues Foundation "found that approval for the United Nations actually increased from 66 percent in June to 78 percent in November [1991], a period when other measures of war- induced euphoria were sinking fast." The Tribune reported: [H]alf of those questioned-51 percent-agreed that "the U.S. should abide by all World Court decisions, even when they go against us, because this sets an example for all nations to follow." That was up from 42 percent in May. More than half also would support increasing the amount of dues that the United States pays to the U.N. to "help pay for a U.N. space satellite system to detect and monitor such problems as arms movements, crop failures, refugee settlements and global pollution." And, remarkably, 38 percent of those questioned said United Nations resolutions "should rule over the actions and laws of individual countries, where necessary to fulfill essential United Nations functions, including ruling over U.S. laws even when our laws are different." While we recognize that pollsters often structure their polling questions to achieve results that will influence rather than accurately reflect public opinion, and these surveys may be exaggerating the rise of pro-UN sentiments, there is little doubt that the world organization is experiencing a dramatic turnaround in citizen acceptance. In large measure, this has resulted from the enormously effective UN drum-beating campaigns of the Establishment news media. The New York Times, Los Angeles Times, and Washington Post have led the way, with an avalanche of fawning editorials, news stories, and op-ed columns glorifying the alleged accomplishments and yet-to-be-realized potential of the UN. These pro-UN public relations pieces have been reprinted in thousands of newspapers and have also found their way into the mainstream of broadcast journalism. Unfortunately, the religious media have followed along with their secular brethren in promoting this unquestioning faith in the salvific capability of the United Nations. One of the more egregious examples of this misplaced fervor appeared in a lengthy January 19,1992 editorial in Our Sunday Visitor, the nation's largest Catholic publication. Headlined "UNsurpassed," the piece declared "If the John Birch Society had its way and the United Nations had ceased to exist back in the 1950s, 1991 would have been a far more dismal year." The editorialist then proceeded to praise the UN's latest " accomplishments": It is unlikely that international support for the liberation of Kuwait and the dismantling of the Iraqi war machine would have been so easily marshaled by the United States. Cambodia's warring factions would most likely still be warring. Terry Anderson and his fellow hostages would still be languishing in Lebanon. Croats and Serbs would still be locked in their death grip with no international organization pressing for a cease-fire. And El Salvador would still be a vast cemetery slowly filling up with the victims of its fratricidal opponents.... Now in its fifth decade of existence, the U.N. is finally coming into its own, thanks in part to the demise of the superpower standoff that hobbled the international organization for much of its existence. Nations are finding the mediation efforts of U.N. negotiators preferable to either unilateral actions or a bloody status quo of unwinnable conflicts. Similar paeans of praise can be found in leading Protestant periodicals. New Age publications which have multiplied in number and influence in the past decade virtually worship the UN. Readers of this book will be in a far better position to benefit from our presentation in the pages that follow, and to understand unfolding world events, if they keep in mind the two major principles underlying virtually all of our federal government's foreign and domestic policies: "convergence" and "interdependence." The plan to bring about a convergence or merger of the U.S. and the USSR is not a recent policy response to the supposed reforms of Gorbachev and Yeltsin. It first came to light officially in 1953 when public concern over large tax-exempt foundation grants to communists and communist causes prompted Congress to investigate. Of particular concern were the funding activities of the Carnegie, Ford, and Rockefeller Foundations. Perhaps the most startling revelation of that investigation came when Ford Foundation president H. Rowan Gaither admitted to Norman Dodd, staff director of the Congressional Special Committee to Investigate Tax-Exempt Foundations: Of course, you know that we at the executive level here were, at one time or another, active in either the OSS, the State Department, or the European Economic Administration. During those times, and without exception, we operated under directives issued by the White House. We are continuing to be guided by just such directives.... The substance [of these directives] was to the effect that we should make every effort to so alter life in the United States as to make possible a comfortable merger with the Soviet Union.(10) At that time -- even though the activities of the foundations coincided exactly with Gaither's startling admission -- it was simply too fantastic for many Americans to believe. It still is. Asked to assess such information, most Americans ask: Why would some of our nation's wealthiest and most powerful capitalists use their great fortunes to promote such a goal? This compelling question has stymied many good Americans for decades. If you, too, are perplexed about this seemingly suicidal practice, you will find it explained -- and condemned -- in the pages that follow. Of one thing there can be little doubt: Our nation is plunging headlong toward "convergence" and the eventual "merger" referred to by Rowan Gaither many years ago. Simultaneously, our nation-along with the other nations of the world-is being steadily drawn into the tightening noose of " interdependence." Our political and economic systems are being intertwined and increasingly are being subjected to control by the United Nations and its adjunct international organizations. Unless this process can be stopped, it will culminate in the creation of omnipotent global governance and an "end to nationhood," as Walt Whitman Rostow once phrased the goal he shared with many others.(11) All These were (and still are) the ultimate objectives of Gaither, his world order cronies, and their modern-day successors. Thirty-five years after Mr. Gaither's admission, U.S. Senator Jesse Helms (R-NC) warned America of "establi6hment insiders" who are "bringing this one-world design -- with a convergence of the Soviet and American systems as its centerpiece -- into being." "The influence of establishment insiders over our foreign policy has become a fact of life in our time," the Senator charged. "... It is an influence which, if unchecked, could ultimately subvert our constitutional order." In this 1987 Senate speech, Senator Helms also identified the organizations through which these insiders operate: A careful examination of what is happening behind the scenes reveals that all of these interests are working in concert with the masters of the Kremlin in order to create what some refer to as a new world order. Private organizations such as the Council on Foreign Relations, the Royal Institute of International Affairs, the Trilateral Commission, the Dartmouth Conference, the Aspen Institute for Humanistic Studies, the Atlantic Institute, and the Bilderberg Group serve to disseminate and to coordinate the plans for this so-called new world order in powerful business, financial, academic, and official circles.(12) Unfortunately, because of the tremendous power that these Establishment Insiders wield in our major media, Senator Helms' warning never reached the American people. It was drowned under a flood of one-world propaganda on the Gorbachev "revolution" and the "new potentialities" for world peace through a revived and strengthened United Nations. [The terms "Establishment" and "Insiders" will be used throughout this text to refer generally to the elite coterie of one-world-minded individuals associated with the organizations named above by Senator Helms. For identification purposes, and to demonstrate the inordinate and dangerous influence these interests wield, individuals who are, or have been, members of the Council on Foreign Relations and the Trilateral Commission will be so noted parenthetically in the text as (CFR) or (TC) respectively.] Yet, contrary to the many seductive pro-UN siren songs, the lesssons of history about the relationship of man to government loudly and clearly proclaim that far from guaranteeing a new era of peace and security, the centralization of political and economic power on a planetary level can only bring about global tyranny and oppression on a scale never before imagined. In late September of 1938, British Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain journeyed to Germany for his third meeting with Adolph Hitler. Blind to the menace of Hitler's "new world order" (Hitler's own words),(13) Chamberlain returned from that now-infamous meeting brandishing an agreement he had signed with der Fuehrer and proudly proclaiming that he had won "peace with honor" and "peace for our time." He was greeted with clamorous huzzahs by British politicians, the press, and throngs of citizens who also blindly called the betrayal "peace." Within months, Europe was convulsed in conflict, and soon even America was dragged into the bloodiest war in world history. The peril America and the free world face today is every bit as real, though far greater in scope, than what a peace-hungry world faced in 1938. National sovereignty is threatened as never before. As UN power grows, the entire world stands on the brink of an era of totalitarian control. We must pull back before it is too late -- too late to save our country, our freedoms, our families, and all we hold dear. Here is what this book claims the new world order under the United Nations would mean: * An end to your God-given rights guaranteed by the U.S. Constitution, i.e., freedom of religion, speech, press, and assembly, the right to trial by jury, etc. (Chapter 6) * National and personal disarmament along with conscription of U.S. citizens into a United Nations Army or Police Force to serve at the pleasure of the UN hierarchy. (Chapters 1 and 2) * The end of private property rights and the ability to control your own home, farm, or business. (Chapters 6 and 7) * Economic and environmental regulation at the hands of UN bureaucrats. (Chapter 10) * Loss of your right as parents to raise and instruct your children in accordance with your personal beliefs. (Chapter 8) * Coercive population control measures that will determine when -- or if -- you may have children. (Chapter 9) * Unlimited global taxation. (Chapter 10) * A centrally managed world monetary system that will lead all but the ruling elite into poverty. (Chapter 10) * Environmental controls that will mean the end of single family homes and personal automobile ownership. (Chapter 6) * The enthronement of an occult, New Age, new world religion. (Chapter 12) * Communist-style totalitarian dictatorship and random, ruthless terror, torture, and extermination to cow all peoples into abject submission. (Chapters 2 & 14) All of this need not happen. As late as the hour has become, it is still not too late to avert catastrophe and save our freedom. The world's future need not degenerate into what George Orwell wrote would resemble "a boot stamping on a human face -- forever!" But the urgency of our situation cannot be overstated. Simply put, unless significant numbers of Americans can be awakened from their slumbers, shaken from their apathy and ignorance, pulled away from their diversions, and convinced to work, pray, vote, speak up, struggle, and fight against the powers arrayed against them, then such a horrible fate surely awaits all of us. CHAPTER 1 The New World Army In the Gulf, we saw the United Nations playing the role dreamed of by its founders, with the world's leading nations orchestrating and sanctioning collective action against aggression.(1) -- President George Bush, August 1991 National Security Strategy of the United States The army of tomorrow is neither the Red Army nor the U.S. Army.... If there is to be peace, it will be secured by a multinational force that monitors cease-fires ... and protects human rights. Blue-helmeted United Nations peacekeepers are doing just that.... -- "The Unsung New World Army" New York Times editorial, May 11,1992 [I]t is time for the United States to lead in the creation of a modest U.N. rapid-deployment force. -- Republican Congressman James A. Leach Foreign Affairs, Summer 1992 The United States should strongly support efforts to expand the U.N. peacekeeping role. -- Democratic Congressman Lee H. Hamilton Foreign Affairs, Summer 1992 Though few seemed to notice, January 31, 1992 was an historic day on the march toward the new world order. To most New Yorkers, it simply meant worse than usual traffic jams, as motorcades and security cordons for the many foreign dignitaries on their way to United Nations headquarters tied up traffic for hours. For the rest of America, the blur of headlines and evening news sound bites about the need for "collective security" coming from visiting potentates gave little hint of the significance of what was transpiring. Yet, this 3,046th meeting of the United Nations Security Council that attracted the dignitaries marked the first time that the body had convened at the level of heads of state or government. The exalted group of world leaders representing the five permanent and ten rotating member states of the Security Council included a king, five presidents, six prime ministers, a chancellor, a premier, and two foreign ministers. They were gathering to launch a process that should have set off alarms worldwide: THE ARMING OF THE UNITED NATIONS. The assemblage took on a religious aura as, one by one, the national leaders worshipped at the UN altar, referred to the UN Charter with a reverence usually reserved for Holy Writ, and recited the by-now-familiar doxology always heard at these increasingly frequent "summits": new world order; peace, equity, and justice; interdependence; global harmony; democracy; human rights; the rule of law; collective engagement; an enhanced and strengthened United Nations; etc. President Bush enthusiastically extolled "the sacred principles enshrined in the United Nations Charter" and, recalling its messianic mission, proclaimed: "For perhaps the first time since that hopeful moment in San Francisco, we can look at our Charter as a living, breathing document."(2) The UN's newly-installed Secretary-General, Egypt's Boutros Boutros-Ghali, was no less caught up with the spiritual purpose of the world organization. He called for additional summit-level meetings of the Security Council, since this "would also help to assure that transfiguration of this house which the world hopes to be completed before its fiftieth anniversary, in 1995."(3) How he divined what the world's "hopes" for the organization on its 50th birthday might be, he did not say. And he did not have to explain the motive behind his use of Biblical metaphor. That was transparent enough. Webster defines "transfigure" this way: "to give a new and typically exalted or spiritual appearance to." To the Christian mind, of course, "transfiguration" recalls the Gospel account of Christ's manifestation of his divine glory. Boutros-Ghali undoubtedly knows the power of the symbolism he chose and, like his fellow true believers in the one-world gospel, he realized that much more of this evangelization is necessary if the masses are to be sold on the idea of the UN as the world's savior. When his turn at the UN podium came, even Boris Yeltsin was appropriately religious, referring to the organization as "the political Olympus of the contemporary world."(4) Venezuelan President Carlos Andres Perez proclaimed that "the United Nations is indispensable to us all."(5) Presumably, we cannot survive without it. "This means," said Perez, "placing our trust in its leadership and in its set-up, as well as in the decision-making machinery. The guiding principles must be those that inspired its establishment, now brought to complete fruition."(6) That's quite a contrast with the scriptural injunction to "trust in the Lord," and far indeed from the admonitions of our founding fathers to avoid putting trust in man (and government) but instead to "bind him down from mischief by the chains of the Constitution."(7) A Bigger and Better UN? Such quaint notions as national independence and limitation of government held no sway with these internationalists. The participants in this special convocation of the Security Council were virtually unanimous in their support of greatly expanded United Nations powers. This was necessary, they said, because of the rapid " acceleration of history," the "critical stage" of current world events, " global instability," "nuclear proliferation," and the many "threats to peace and security" presented by economic, social, humanitarian, and ecological "sources of instability." The obsolete nation-state is incapable of meeting the world's needs, claimed one speaker after another. Boutros-Ghali explained that in his vision of the new world order, "State sovereignty takes a new meaning...." "[N]arrow nationalism," warned the Egyptian, "can disrupt a peaceful global existence. Nations are too interdependent, national frontiers are too porous and transnational realities ... too dangerous to permit egocentric isolationism."(8) Repeated calls were made at this special UN session for increasing the powers of the Secretary-General, enhancing the jurisdiction of the World Court, expanding the membership of the Security Council, abolishing the veto power of the five permanent members, establishing a permanent funding mechanism for "peacekeeping," convening a summit meeting to address social development, increasing economic aid from North to South, and more. Hardly a speaker failed to hail the "end of the Cold War" and the demise of communism, but socialist thought was still the order of the day as one leader after another called for greater "global management" and redistribution of wealth. French President Francois Mitterrand made the first concrete proposal to give military teeth to the world body with his call for establishing a rapid-deployment UN army. "I state that for its part France is ready to make available to the Secretary-General a 1, 000man contingent for peace-keeping operations, at any time, on 48hours notice," said the internationalist Frenchman. And to buttress his enthusiasm for a UN military force, he added, "That figure could be doubled within a week."(9) Belgian Prime Minister Wilfried Martens seconded Mitterrand's proposal and announced that "... Belgium will ensure rapid deployment of Belgian contingents in United Nations peace-keeping forces."(10) His idea was immediately endorsed by Russian President Boris Yeltsin and Hungarian Foreign Minister Geza Jeszenszky. Going further, Yeltsin declared to the august assemblage: "I think the time has come to consider creating a global defence system for the world community. It could be based on a reorientation of the United States Strategic Defense Initiative, to make use of high technologies developed in Russia's defence complex." This magnanimous gesture on his part, said Yeltsin, could be made because "Russia regards the United States and the West not as mere partners but rather as allies."(11) To reinforce his contentions that the "evil empire" is no more, and that his new-found devotion to human rights is genuine, Yeltsin announced: "A few days ago, the 10 remaining political prisoners were pardoned by a decree of the President of the Russian Federation. There are no longer any prisoners of conscience in free Russia."(12) There were no guffaws and no one had the inclination (or the guts) to ask what had happened to the consciences of millions more political, social, and religious prisoners still populating the gulags. Or why this former member of the Soviet Politburo wasn't being held accountable for his part in the USSR's long history of crimes against humanity. Likewise, when Red Chinese Premier Li Peng rose to speak of " human rights," "peaceful coexistence," and "social tranquility," he was met with respectful attentiveness. The Butcher of Tiananmen Square was politely given a world stage for the most outrageous totalitarian propaganda. China, he proclaimed, "will never become a threat to any country or any region of the world. China is of the view that no country should seek hegemony or practice power politics." His government, he said, looked forward to "the establishment of a new international order that will be stable, rational, just and conducive to world peace and development."(13) Not only was he not hooted down, he was granted the prestige of separate meetings with Presidents Bush and Yeltsin and Prime Ministers Major and Miyazawa. Hundreds of Chinese demonstrators who came to protest this travesty were kept blocks away from the UN building by security forces. The Los Angeles Times reported the following lamentation uttered by one of the young demonstrators: "His [Li's] hand is full of the blood and tears of the Chinese people, and I don't understand why world leaders would shake hands with him," said a weeping Chai Ling, one of the leaders of the Tian An Men Square pro-democracy demonstrations.(14) On the morning following this precedent-setting Security Council session, the Establishment media were ready to peddle the politically correct one-world view. For example, Joseph S. Nye Jr., whose Insider credentials include being the director of the Center for International Affairs, a member of the Council on Foreign Relations (CFR), a Harvard University professor, and a former Deputy Under Secretary of State, led off with an op-ed column in the New York Times entitled, "Create a U.N. Fire Brigade." Nye told readers: "If a new world order is ultimately to emerge from yesterday's summit meeting of the world's leaders at the U.N., they will have to stretch their imaginations.(15) According to Nye, Messrs. Mitterrand, Martens, and company were thinking too small. "The U.S. should go beyond rhetoric to promote a new order.... To achieve this, the U.S. ought to propose the creation of a U.N. rapid-deployment force.... made up of 60,000 troops in brigades from 12 countries."(16) That same morning, Los Angeles Times reporter Norman Kempster enthused: "Creating a standing army under the control of the United Nations Security Council would give the world organization a military punch it has never had before and could convert it into a full-time international police department." That should be a truly bone-chilling thought for anyone who values freedom. But Kempster didn't stop there, adding: "If adopted ... the plan would mark the transformation of the Security Council from a Cold War-hobbled debating society to an organization with the power to enforce its decisions...."(17) Even more chilling! But not, apparently, to the apostles of one-worldism who have been lustily cheering such proposals. In the months following the summit, as the Bush Administration moved brazenly forward with never-announced plans to supplant the U.S. Constitution with the UN Charter, the Establishment news media, dominated by members of the Council on Foreign Relations and led by the New York Times, the Washington Post, the Los Angeles Times, and the CFR's own Foreign Affairs, provided both cover and support. So began the audacious propaganda campaign to resurrect a decades-old, one-world scheme to transfer U.S. military might to the United Nations. In its March 6, 1992 lead editorial entitled "The New World Army," the New York Times came close to dropping all pretenses and subtlety: For years the United Nations has been notable mostly for its vocal cords. That's changed. Nowadays the U.N.'s muscle -- its blue-helmeted soldiers -- seems to be everywhere. And costs have soared. The bill for 11 peacekeeping missions could approach $3.7 billion this year. Never before have so many U.N. troops been committed to so many costly and diverse missions. But don't get the idea that anyone at the Times is about to let fiscal worries stand in the way of its commitment to "world order" politics. The editorial ticked off the current count of blue-helmeted troops deployed worldwide: In Lebanon 5,900; Cyprus 2,200; Golan Heights 1,300; El Salvador 1,000; Iraq/Kuwait 540; Angola 440; Arab-Israel conflict 300; India/Pakistan 40; Cambodia 22,000; Yugoslavia 14,300; Western Sahara 2,700 This grand total of 50,720 UN troops is just the start of what these internationalists are planning Any of these hot spots could, of course, develop into a major conflagration a any moment, requiring thousands -- or tens of thousands -- of UN reinforcements. There are also numerous other trouble spots around the globe offering virtually unlimited opportunities for UN intervention: South Africa, Azerbaijan, Lithuania, Nicaragua, Northern Ireland, Korea, and Myanmar. Myanmar? Yes, although you probably remember it by its former name, Burma. The Los Angeles Times lead editorial for March 16, 1992 carried the title, "Next Target for World's Conscience: Myanmar -- An apocalyptic 'killing field' for the former Burma?" It signaled that we may soon be seeing UN troops, possibly including American men and women, in that tragic land. In the face of all of this support for a UN military arm, the only protests in Congress about the developing "New World Army" questioned merely the financial costs of the peacekeeping operations, including the disproportionate share (an automatic 30 percent) the U.S. is expected to shoulder. When Secretary of State James Baker appeared before a Senate subcommittee on March 5,1992 to present the Bush Administration's request for an additional $810 million (above the $107 million already appropriated) for peacekeeping in 1992-93, he ran into resistance even from traditionally strong UN supporters. Senator Jim Sasser (D-TN) told Baker that although he believed the UN peacekeeping efforts were important, in this recessionary economy, constituent opposition to foreign aid had become "politically irresistible."(18) After the hearing, Sasser told an interviewer "Our constituents are saying that they have borne the burden as long as they intend to."(19) Yes, the bill for the UN's blue helmet operations is escalating rapidly. "Yet," said the New York Times in its "New World Army" editorial, "in hard cash terms, peacekeeping is a bargain.... Every war prevented saves blood and treasure, expands markets and trade." Though such an argument has a certain simplistic appeal, it breaks down rapidly under any close examination. And although the economic cost is a legitimate concern, a far more serious matter is the looming UN military threat to U.S. sovereignty. As the Times itself pointed out: "Now the peacekeepers are doing more than monitoring truce lines. They are becoming peacemakers, too. U.N. forces were asked to disarm guerrillas, conduct elections and enforce human rights, first in Namibia, then in Cambodia and El Salvador."(20) The UN itself is finding new opportunities right and left to justify expansion of its armed forces. "The Security Council recently expanded the concept of threats to peace," the Times reported, "to include economic, social and ecological instability "(21) Talk about proliferation! This kind of assumed, open-ended authority virtually guarantees unlimited interference by the United Nations in the domestic affairs of sovereign states. And you can be sure that interference won't be directed primarily at stopping human rights violations in repressive communist/socialist regimes or petty third world dictatorships. It will be directed against what these internationalists consider the greatest threat to global peace and stability -- the United States of America. Yes, America is the target. According to an Associated Press report appearing on March 12, 1992, "a United Nations official said Wednesday ... that the United States is the greatest threat to the world's ecological health." That official, Canadian Maurice F. Strong, who served as secretary-general of the 1992 UN Earth Summit, declared: "In effect, the United States is committing environmental aggression against the rest of the world." He added: "At the environmental level, the United States is clearly the greatest risk."(22) This would not be the first or last time Strong and other UN envirocrats would storm against what they consider the evils of U.S. consumption and production. It has become a standard theme at UN environmental conferences and was the major message at the world body's 1992 Earth Summit in Brazil. Judging from the vitriol these eco-globalists regularly throw at Americans, it's probably safe to assume they would eagerly deploy the blue helmets (or as some advocate, environmental police in green helmets) to close down much of the U.S. Will UN "peacekeepers" be deployed against the U.S. to rectify economic, social, or ecological "instabilities" determined by UN Marxists to be "threats to peace"? America would never stand for it, you say? But the stage is already being set to render nations incapable of blocking such moves by the UN. Many of the UN's defenders claim that the organization can only send in its peacekeeping forces if they are officially invited. Yet, President Bush has already put the United States on record officially favoring UN action within the borders of sovereign nations. In his "Pax Universalis" speech delivered at UN headquarters on September 23,1991, he said there was a need for UN action to settle "nationalist passions" within nations and also to remove an undesirable national leader from his post.(23) Even New York Times columnist Leslie Gelb (CFR) found the President's clearly stated policy "revolutionary" and "threatening."(24) According to the CFR globalists, no single nation should have veto power over whether or not the UN should act. Writing in the Spring 1991 Foreign Affairs ("The U.N. in a New World Order"), Professors Bruce Russett and James S. Sutterlin concluded: "It is worth emphasizing that nothing in the [UN] charter prohibits the Security Council from deploying peacekeeping forces without the consent of all the parties, or from including troop contingents from the permanent members of the council in such forces where the need for deterrence arises." If this attitude prevails, UN eco-saviors can first declare your factory, your logging, ranching or farming practices, or even your use of an automobile a threat to the environment, and then decide under authority derived from the new definition of "peacekeeping" to send in the blue (or green) helmeted troops to address the breach of "peace" with force. The Great Mutation Although the UN has not yet used any of this steadily building "peacekeeping" muscle for enforcement of environmental or social dicta, the precedent for uninvited intervention has already been established under the assumed authority of "peacekeeping." As Los Angeles Times columnist William Pfaff observed in his March 5, 1992 column appearing in the International Herald Tribune, the 1992 UN action in what was once Yugoslavia is a signal event, representing an overturning of national sovereignty. "Slowly, too slowly, the great mutation occurs," said Pfaff. "The principle of absolute national sovereignty is being overturned.... The civil war in Yugoslavia has rendered this service to us." Pfaff, a committed internationalist, applauded the UNS " uninvited international intervention into the affairs of a state" which, until now, "has been held an unacceptable attack upon the principle of unlimited state sovereignty." He saw the intervention of the European Community and the UN in Yugoslavia as a new model of collective action that has many other potential applications. "What they have thus far done has been improvisation, but it is a start on something new," the Paris-based columnist noted approvingly. "We are now in a situation where improvisation and experiment are essential, in contrast to the big programmatic reforms of 1918 and 1945 -- the League and the U.N." The "improvisation" Pfaff and his fellow globalists talk about is hardly spontaneous and is eminently predictable; it involves the expansion and concentration of the UN's political, economic, and military powers in response to global or regional or even local "crises." The excuse for UN "peacekeeping" action in a crisis involving civil war and ethnic fighting is the supposed potential for the conflict to escalate to global dimensions if not checked by collective international force. "What may now be needed," said the New York Times in its March 6, 1992 editorial, "is a permanent force for rapid deployment in chaotic circumstances." The Times editorial continued: "One promising possibility is to make fuller use of the U.N. Charter. Article 43 already calls on members to make available 'armed forces, assistance and facilities' necessary to maintain international peace. To that end, the Charter established a Military Staff Committee...." But, lamented the Times, this UN committee has never worked as intended, because "American armed forces have traditionally resisted Lit] as a threat to command autonomy." Again, the far greater threat to national security and sovereignty was ignored. "But in a transformed world," continued the Tines editorial, "it makes sense to consider direct contributions of personnel and equipment to a rapid deployment force under real multinational control." Going still further, the article proposed that the UN military force be expanded with funds taken from the U.S. defense budget instead of from its foreign aid budget. "That won't be easy," the Times acknowledged. "But what a chance for President Bush to take the lead in giving real meaning to his still hazy vision of a New World Order." A Long-Established Policy The only haze surrounding either Mr. Bush's or that newspaper's vision of the new world order is that which they have deliberately created. They know that the real substance of the new world order was very clearly presented in 1961, more than 30 years ago, when President John F. Kennedy presented his plan for national disarmament to the United Nations. Crafted by his CFR-dominated State Department and entitled FREEDOM FROM WAR: THE UNITED STATES PROGRAM FOR GENERAL AND COMPLETE DISARMAMENT IN A PEACEFUL WORLD (also known as Department of State Publication 7277), it presented a three-stage program for the gradual transfer of U.S. arms to the United Nations.(25) During Stage II (the stage we are currently in), the document mandates: "The U.N. Peace Force shall be established and progressively strengthened." This will be accomplished "to the end that the United Nations can effectively in Stage III deter or suppress any threat or use of force in violation of the purposes and principles of the United Nations."(26) This incredible policy -- which has been actively but quietly brought along toward completion during successive administrations -- concludes as follows: In Stage III progressive controlled disarmament ... would proceed to a point where no state would have the military power to challenge the progressively strengthened U.N. Peace Force.(27) Freedom From War was superseded in April 1962 by another disarmament document entitled BLUEPRINT FOR THE PEACE RACE: OUTLINE OF BASIC PROVISIONS OF A TREATY ON GENERAL AND COMPLETE DISARMAMENT IN A PEACEFUL WORLD.(28) As before, its third stage calls for the strengthening of the UN Peace Force "until it had sufficient armed forces and armaments so that no state could challenge it."(29) That means, of course, that upon completion of this partially completed plan, every nation state, including the United States, would he subject to the unchallengeable military forces of the all-powerful United Nations. But that was long ago; perhaps those policies and proposals have expired. Although that may be a comforting thought, unfortunately it is not true. On May 25, 1982, Congressman Ted Weiss (D-NY) called for the implementation of Blueprint for the Peace Race and entered its entire text into the Congressional Record.(30) He also pointed out that this disarmament proposal had never been formally withdrawn by the United States government. When questioned about the commitment of the United States to the Blueprint, A. Richard Richstein, General Counsel to the U.S. Arms Control and Disarmament Agency, confirmed in a letter on May 11th of that year that "the United States has never formally withdrawn this proposal."(31) In January 1991, William Nary, the official historian of the Arms Control and Disarmament Agency, confirmed again that "the proposal has not been withdrawn." Mr. Nary also confirmed that " certain features of it have been incorporated into subsequent disarmament agreements."(32) Indeed, significant portions of this long-range disarmament program have been already enacted into law. On September 23, 1961, Congress passed the "ARMS CONTROL AND DISARMAMENT ACT," which was signed into law (Public Law 87-297) on September 26th by President Kennedy. According to the wording of the law itself, its purpose was to establish a U.S. Arms Control and Disarmament Agency that would advance efforts "toward ultimate world disarmament." But, is the objective really "world disarmament"? How can it be? Like Freedom From War, P.L. 87-297 calls not for the total elimination of arms -- a completely utopian fantasy -- but the transfer of arms from national to international control. Section 3 (a) of the Act states: The terms "arms control" and "disarmament" mean the identification, verification, inspection, limitation, control, reduction, or elimination, of armed forces and ARMAMENTS OF ALL KINDS under international agreement ... to establish an effective system of international control...." [Emphasis added] By December 11, 1989, when President Bush signed the "Arms Control and Disarmament Amendments Act of 1989" (Public Law 101-216), the original Kennedy Administration legislation had already been amended nearly 20 times. This steadily growing body of law is moving us step by step toward surrender to a global UN military dictatorship. Like the original Act, the 1989 amendment contains the language "identification ... elimination" of "ARMAMENTS OF ALL KINDS." Questions rush to the fore. Such as: Could the phrase "armaments of all kinds" be construed at some future date by a federal court or the UN's World Court to include the personal arms of private citizens? In view of the increasing onslaught of state and federal anti-gun legislation, the judicial activism of the federal courts, and the total absence in the UN Charter and UN "Rights" documents of any protection similar to our Second Amendment guarantee of the right to keep and bear arms, it could hardly be considered extreme to consider the possibility. For apostles of the new world order, perhaps the closest thing to holy writ, and the scripture to which they all pay homage, is the 1958 volume World Peace Through World Law by Grenville Clark and Louis B. Sohn.(33) In this venerated text, Clark and Sohn proposed a socialist world government through a revised UN Charter. The key to this global superstate would be a United Nations "world police force" invested with "a coercive force of overwhelming power." "This world police force would be the only MILITARY force permitted ANYWHERE in the world after the process of national disarmament has been completed." And what about the civilian police and private firearms owners? The authors warned "that even with the complete elimination of all [national] MILITARY forces," local "police forces, supplemented by civilians armed with sporting rifles and fowling pieces, might conceivably constitute a serious threat to a neighboring country..." (Emphasis in original) Accordingly, they recommend extremely rigid controls on all firearms and ammunition possessed by civil police and private citizens.(34) Top Military Post If these proposals are implemented, who will control these supreme United Nations forces? Isn't that a question everyone should be concerned with? In the past, the person in charge of all UN military activities has been the UN Under-Secretary-General for Political and Security Council Affairs. Since the UN was created, 14 individuals have held that post. ALL HAVE BEEN COMMUNISTS AND ALL BUT ONE HAVE COME FROM THE SOVIET UNION. This is no coincidence. Secretary-General Trygve Lie revealed that U.S. Secretary of State Edward Stettinius (CFR) had agreed to naming a Soviet national to this strategic post, which Lie described as "the premier Assistant Secretaryship."(35) Lie said he first learned of the agreement from Soviet representative Andrei Vishinsky, and that "Mr. Stettinius confirmed to me that he had agreed with the Soviet Delegation in the matter."(36) The surprised Secretary-General Lie wrote: The preservation of international peace and security was the Organization's highest responsibility, and it was to entrusting the direction of the Secretariat department most concerned with this to a Soviet national that the Americans had agreed. What did the Americans want for themselves? To my surprise, they did not ask for a department concerned with comparable substantive affairs, like the economic or the social. Rather, Mr. Stettinius proposed that an American citizen be appointed Assistant Secretary-General for the Administrative and Financial Services.(37) The communists have remained in control ever since, even though, Lie maintained, this was not intended as a permanent arrangement. In January 1992, newly elected Secretary-General Boutros-Ghali reorganized the UN's bureaucracy. There are now two posts of Under-Secretary-General for Political Affairs (the "Security Council" part of the title was dropped) with joint responsibilities for military affairs. Named to the positions were Vladimir E. Petrovsky, a former deputy foreign minister in the Gorbachev regime, and James O.C. Jonah of Sierra Leone, who has been a career UN bureaucrat since 1963. The historical roster of the men who have held this "premier Assistant Secretaryship" reads as follows: 1946-1949 Arkady Sobolev (USSR) 1949-1953 Konstatin Zinchenko (USSR) 1953-1954 Ilya Tchernychev (USSR) 1954-1957 Dragoslav Protitch (Yugoslavia) 1958-1960 Anatoly Dobrynin (USSR) 1960-1962 Georgy Arkadev (USSR) 1962-1963 E.D. Kiselev (USSR) 1963-1965 V.P. Suslov (USSR) 1965-1968 Alexei E. Nesterenko (USSR) 1968-1973 Leonid N. Kutakov (USSR) 1973-1978 Arkady N. Shevchenko (USSR) 1978-1981 Mikhail D. Sytenko (USSR) 1981-1986 Viacheslav A. Ustinov (USSR) 1987-1992 Vasiliy S. Safronchuk (USSR) 1992- Vladimir Petrovsky (Russia, "former USSR") James O.C. Jonah (Sierra Leone) Surrendering our military capabilities to the United Nations (or any other international body) should be unthinkable to every American, even if there were guarantees that a U.S. citizen would always hold the position of Under-Secretary-General for Political Affairs. To consider doing so in the face of the current and historical facts just mentioned above is treasonous. A more colossal betrayal of one's country would be difficult to conceive. But the Los Angeles Times, for one, is more than willing to assist in preparing the public's mind for the sellout. On January 5, 1992, the newspaper gave generous space for an op-ed article entitled "Dream of Total Disarmament Could Become Reality," written by radical leftists Gar Alperovitz and Kai Bird. In it, Alperovitz, a senior fellow at the Washington DC-based Institute for Policy Studies, and Bird, a research associate at this same rabidly anti-American organization, urged a formal reaffirmation of the 30-year old Kennedy disarmament proposals and praised the vision of the CFR "wise men" who had designed them. The IPS duo quoted the Freedom From War Stage III passage ("No state shall have the military power ...") and declared: "We could refine and implement the ... disarmament plan by requiring all countries to cut defense budgets by, say, 15%-20% per year." Those nations that refused to go along "could be penalized with economic sanctions or -- in the extreme -- military intervention." UN Leader Paves the Way At the close of the special Security Council meeting convened on January 31,1992, Secretary-General Boutros-Ghali was instructed by the Council to prepare by July 1st his "recommendations on ways of strengthening" the UN's peacekeeping capabilities. In June, the energetic Egyptian completed his assignment and issued AN AGENDA FOR PEACE. (38) A more apt title would have been, AN AGENDA FOR GLOBAL SOCIALISTIC RULE. Signaling a new direction, the report notes that, in the past, "United Nations operations in areas of crisis have generally been established after conflict has occurred." But now, the "time has come to plan for circumstances warranting preventive deployment." The Secretary-General explains: Under Article 42 of the Charter, the Security Council has the authority to take military action to maintain or restore international peace and security. While such action should only be taken when al] peaceful means have failed, the option of taking it is essential to the credibility of the United Nations as a guarantor of international security. This will require ... special agreements ... whereby Member States undertake to make armed forces, assistance and facilities available to the Security Council ... not only on an ad hoc basis but on a permanent basis.(39) [Emphasis added] As a sop to anyone concerned about national independence, he promised: "The foundation-stone of this work is and must remain the State. Respect for its fundamental sovereignty and integrity are crucial to any common international progress." But in the next breath, he showed his real intentions by noting, "The time of absolute and exclusive sovereignty ... has passed."(40) Yes, national sovereignty will remain, but only as DEFINED BY THE UNITED NATIONS. As the Secretary-General himself said, the concept of sovereignty "takes a new meaning." Thc new agenda championed by the UN'S top official calls for "a United Nations capable of maintaining international peace and security, of securing justice and human rights and of promoting . . . ' social progress and better standards of life in larger freedom."(41) If that sounds to you like the globalists intend to blur the distinction between foreign and domestic matters, then you have begun to grasp the evolving meaning of "peacekeeping," "peacemaking," and "peacebuilding." For further evidence that the UN leader intends the world body to become a global Big Brother meddling in every aspect of our lives, consider the following from the Boutros-Ghali report: "The sources of conflict and war are pervasive and deep.... To reach them willrequire our utmost effort ... to promote sustainable economic and social development...."(42) In what social or economic spheres, if any, will the world orderites NOT find a pretext for intervention? According to the new UN agenda, there are none. Among the "new risks for stability" listed by the Secretary-General are "ecological damage" and "disruption of family and community life." Other "sources of conflict" include "unchecked population growth," "drugs and the growing disparity between rich and poor," "[p]overty, disease, famine," "drought," "a porous ozone shield," and about anything else you might imagine.(43) According to the UN leader, "the efforts of the Organization to build peace, stability and security must encompass matters beyond military threats in order to break the fetters of strife and warfare that have characterized the past."(44) In other words, under the new UN definitions of"peacekeeping," virtually any circumstance or condition in any part of the world might conceivably constitute a "risk for stability" or a "threat" to peace, and therefore justify UN intervention, including military intervention. What is so incredible about all of this is not the arrogance and effrontery of Boutros-Ghali and his many like-minded associates in proposing such a colossal power grab. What else can be expected from a gang of megalomaniacs? The far more incredible feature of this developing nightmare is the almost complete ignorance of, and near total absence of opposition to it. What should be strikingly obvious to anyone -- particularly to Americans, who should have a special appreciation for the limitation of governmental force -- is that an organization powerful enough to enforce world "peace" would also be powerful enough to enforce world tyranny. No organization should ever have that kind of power! Americans should have been shocked and outraged then, when President Bush, in his address to the United Nations General Assembly on September 21, 1992, announced: "I welcome the Secretary General's call for a new agenda to strengthen the United Nations' ability to prevent, contain, and resolve conflict across the globe.... Robust peace-keeping requires men and equipment that only member states can provide.... These forces must be available on short notice at the request of the Security Council...." Mr. Bush said the challenges "as we enter the 21st century" will "require us to transform our collective institutions." He pledged to work with the UN "to best employ our considerable lift, logistics, communications, and intelligence capabilities," and stated: "The United States is prepared to make available our bases and facilities for multinational training and field exercises. One such base, nearby, with facilities is Fort Dix."(45) Other than the John Birch Society, which has warned about these impending developments for decades, very few have raised a voice to spread the alarm. One who has is syndicated columnist Sam Francis. Commenting on AN AGENDA FOR PEACE , he wrote: "If Americans would like to preserve the national independence and sovereignty they and their forebears have fought for, they need to pull down the one-world monstrosity Boutros-Ghali is planning before he and his planners have a chance to build it."(46) And to that every freedom-loving American should say, Amen! CHAPTER 2 In the Name of Peace The U.N. jets next turned their attention to the center of the city. Screaming in at treetop level ... they blasted the post office and the radio station, severing Katanga's communications with the outside world... One came to the conclusion that the U.N.'s action was intended to make it more difficult for correspondents to let the world know what was going on in Katanga...(1) -- Smith Hempstone Rebels, Mercenaries, and Dividends, 1962 Early in 1987, millions of American television viewers tuned in to watch the dramatic ABC mini-series, AMERIKA. What they saw was a grim, menacing portrayal of life in our nation after it had been taken over by a Soviet-controlled United Nations force. Their TV sets showed a foreboding picture of America as an occupied police-state, complete with concentration camps, brainwashing, neighborhood spies, and Soviet-UN troops, tanks and helicopter gunships enforcing "the rule of law." Liberals angrily denounced the mini-series, claiming it demonized both the Soviets and the UN and insisting that it would rekindle anti-communist hysteria at a time when Soviet-American relations were at their best point since the end of World War II. The fact that Soviet troops were at that very time committing real atrocities against the peoples of Afghanistan didn't matter. UN officials, furious about the way their organization was being portrayed, even tried to have the program cancelled.(2) Why all the furor? Is the UN's image so sacrosanct or the goal of US-Soviet rapprochement so sacred that even fictional tarnishing is akin to blasphemy? After all, it was just a television program. Haven't there been scores of highly acclaimed Hollywood productions depicting the U.S. military and American patriots in similarly bad or even far worse light? Besides, the totalitarianism depicted in AMERIKA could never happen here. Could it? Dress Rehearsal? You may be surprised to learn that it HAS ALREADY HAPPENED HERE. NO, not in the same manner and on the same scale as viewers saw in the television series, but in an alarming real-life parallel of that dramatic production What follows is the true, but little-known story of the "invasion" of about a dozen American cities by "UN forces," as told by economist/author Dr. V. Orval Watts in his 1955 book, THE UNITED NATIONS: PLANNED TYRANNY. At Fort MacArthur, California, and in other centers, considerable numbers of American military forces went into training in 1951 as "Military Government Reserve Units." What they were for may appear from their practice maneuvers during the two years, 1951-1952. Their first sally took place on July 31, 1951, when they simulated an invasion and seizure of nine California cities: Compton, Culver City, Inglewood, Hawthorne, Huntington Park, Long Beach, Redondo Beach, South Gate and Torrance. The invading forces, however, did not fly the American flag. They came in under the flag of the United Nations, and their officers stated that they represented the United Nations. These forces arrested the mayors and police chiefs, and pictures later appeared in the newspapers showing these men in jail. The officers issued manifestoes reading "by virtue of the authority vested in me by the United Nations Security Council." At Huntington Park they held a flag-raising ceremony, taking down the American flag and running up in its place the United Nations banner. On April 3,1952, other units did the same thing at Lampasas, Texas. They took over the town, closed churches, strutted their authority over the teachers and posted guards in classrooms, set up concentration camps, and interned businessmen after holding brief one-sided trials without HABEAS CORPUS. Said a newspaper report of that Texas invasion: "But the staged action almost became actual drama when one student and two troopers forgot it was only make-believe. 'Ain't nobody going to make me get up,' cried John Snell, 17, his face beet-red. One of the paratroopers shoved the butt of his rifle within inches of Snell's face and snarled, 'You want this butt placed in your teeth? Get up.'" The invaders put up posters listing many offenses for which citizens would be punished. One of them read: "25. Publishing or circulating or having in his possession with intent to publish or circulate, any printed or written matter ... hostile, detrimental, or disrespectful ... to the Government of any other of the United Nations." Think back to the freedom-of-speech clause of the United States Constitution which every American officer and official is sworn to support and defend. What was in the minds of those who prepared, approved and posted these UN proclamations? The third practice seizure under the United Nations flag occurred at Watertown, New York, August 20, 1952, more than a year later than the first ones. It followed the same pattern set in the earlier seizures in California and Texas. Is this a foretaste of World Government, which so many Americans seem to want?(3) Who ordered these "mock" UN invasions? And to what purpose were they carried out? Do answers to these questions really matter? Or are these merely idle concerns about curious but irrelevant events that happened decades ago and have no bearing on our lives today? Events, developments, and official policies in the succeeding years, under both Republican and Democratic administrations, indicate that the mock invasions of the early 1950s do matter and that they do have a bearing on our lives today. The dress-rehearsal takeovers of American cities described above occurred just six years after the founding of the United Nations, while the organization was still enjoying widespread public support. American military personnel were at that very time fighting and dying under the UN flag in Korea. But as recounted in our previous chapter, a decade later in September of 1961, the President of the United States would propose a phased transfer of America's military forces to the UN. Under such a plan, our Army, Navy, Air Force, Marine Corps, even our nuclear arsenal, would be given over to UN command, making it possible for our nation's military forces to be used in a REAL U.N. invasion at some future date anywhere in the world. Interestingly, the Kennedy FREEDOM FROM WAR plan differed little from one proposed earlier that same month by the Soviet-dominated "nonaligned" nations at a conference held in Belgrade, Yugoslavia.(4) And it was merely an expansion of the policy enunciated by Secretary of State Christian Herter (CFR) during the latter days of the Eisenhower Administration. But few Americans even saw, and fewer still ever read and understood the incredible disarmament document. For those who did see, read and understand it, however, there could be no doubt that it created a path leading to global dictatorship. If the American public had been aware of FREEDOM FROM WAR and a number of then-classified government studies being prepared at that time -- each of which spelled out even more explicitly the intent of government and Establishment elitists to surrender America to an all-powerful United Nations -- there may well have been a popular uprising that would have swept all of the internationalist schemers from public office and public trust. In February 1961, seven months before the President released the FREEDOM FROM WAR plan to the public, his State Department, led by Secretary of State Dean Rusk (CFR), hired the private Institute for Defense Analyses (contract No. SCC 28270) to prepare a study showing how disarmament could be employed to lead to world government. On March 10, 1962, the Institute delivered Study Memorandum No. 7, A WORLD EFFECTIVELY CONTROLLED BY THE UNITED NATIONS, written by Lincoln P. Bloomfield (CFR).(5) Dr. Bloomfield had himself recently served with the State Department's disarmament staff, and while writing his important work was serving as an associate professor of political science and director of the Arms Control Project at the Center for International Studies, Massachusetts Institute of Technology. This Bloomfield/IDA report is especially significant because the author is uncharacteristically candid, eschewing the usual euphemisms, code words, and double-talk found in typical "world order" pronouncements meant for public consumption. The author believed he was addressing fellow internationalists in a classified memorandum that would never be made available for public scrutiny. So he felt he could speak plainly. Here is the document's opening passage, labelled SUMMARY: A world effectively controlled by the United Nations is one in which "world government" would come about through the establishment of supranational institutions, characterized by mandatory universal membership and some ability to employ physical force. Effective control would thus entail a preponderance of political power in the hands of a supranational organization... [T]he present UN Charter could theoretically be revised in order to erect such an organization equal to the task envisaged, thereby codifying a radical rearrangement of power in the world. Dr. Bloomfield was still fudging a little as he began. The phrase "some ability to employ physical force" was more than a slight understatement, as the bulk of the report makes abundantly clear. He continued: The principal features of a model system would include the following: (1) powers sufficient to monitor and enforce disarmament, settle disputes, and keep the peace -- including taxing powers -- with all other powers reserved to the nations; (2) an international force, balanced appropriately among ground, sea, air, and space elements, consisting of 500,000 men, recruited individually, wearing a UN uniform, and controlling a nuclear force composed of 60-100 mixed land-based mobile and undersea-based missiles, averaging one megaton per weapon; (3) governmental powers distributed among three branches...; (4) compulsory jurisdiction of the International Court...(6) "The notion of a 'UN-controlled world' is today a fantastic one," the professor wrote. "... Political scientists have generally come to despair of quantum jumps to world order as utopian and unmindful of political realities. But fresh minds from military, scientific, and industrial life ... have sometimes found the logic of world government -- and it is world government we are discussing here -- inescapable."(7) Dr. Bloomfield then cited Christian Herter's speech of February 18, 1960, in which the Secretary of State called for disarmament "to the point where no single nation or group of nations could effectively oppose this enforcement of international law by international machinery."(8) To this CFR-affiliated academic, who had recently worked for the disarmament agency where Herter's speech had most likely been written, there was no question about the meaning of the Secretary of State's words. "Here, then," said Bloomfield, "is the basis in recent American policy for the notion of a world 'effectively controlled by the United Nations.' It was not made explicit, but the United States position carried the unmistakable meaning, by whatever name, of world government, sufficiently powerful in any event to keep the peace and enforce its judgments."9 Then, to be absolutely certain that there would be no confusion or misunderstanding about his meaning, he carefully defined his terms: "World" means that the system is global, with no exceptions to its fiat: universal membership. "Effectively controlled" connotes ... a relative monopoly of physical force at the center of the system, and thus a preponderance of political power in the hands of a supranational organization The United Nations" is not necessarily precisely the organization as it now exists... FINALLY, TO AVOID ENDLESS EUPHEMISM AND EVASIVE VERBAGE, THE CONTEMPLATED REGIME WILL OCCASIONALLY BE REFERRED TO UNBLUSHINGLY AS A "WORLD GOVERNMENT." (10) [Emphasis added] If government is "force" -- as George Washington so simply and accurately defined it -- then world government is "world force." Which means that Bloomfield and those who commissioned his report and agreed with its overall recommendations wanted to create a global entity with a monopoly of force -- a political, even military power undisputedly superior to any single nation-state or any possible alliance of national or regional forces. It is as simple as that. "The appropriate degree of relative force," the Bloomfield/IDA study concluded, "would ... involve total disarmament down to police and internal security levels for the constituent units, as against a significant conventional capability at the center backed by a marginally significant nuclear capability."(11) Again and again as the following excerpts demonstrate, the study drives its essential points home: "National disarmament is a condition SINE QUA NON for effective UN control... [W]ithout it, effective UN control is not possible."(12) "The essential point is the transfer of the most vital element of sovereign power from the states to a supranational government."(13) "The overwhelming central fact would still be the loss of control of their military power by individual nations."(14) Putting Theory Into Practice While Dr. Bloomfield was still writing his treatise for global rule, the hapless residents of a small corner of Africa were experiencing the terrible reality of "a world effectively controlled by the United Nations." The site chosen for the debut of the UN's version of " peacekeeping" was Katanga, a province in what was then known as the Belgian Congo. The center of world attention 30 years ago, the name Katanga draws a complete blank from most people today. Katanga and its tragic experience have been expunged from history, consigned to the memory hole. The region appears on today's maps as the Province of Shaba in Zaire. But for one brief, shining moment, the courageous people in this infant nation stood as the singular testament to the capability of the newly independent Africans to govern themselves as free people with a sense of peace, order, and justice. While all around them swirled a maelstrom of violent, communist inspired revolution and bloody tribal warfare, the Katangese distinguished themselves as a paradigm of racial, tribal, and class harmony.(15) What they stood for could not be tolerated by the forces of "anti-colonialism" in the Kremlin, the U.S. State Department, the Western news media, and especially the United Nations.(16) The stage was already set for the horrible drama that would soon unfold when Belgium's King Baudouin announced independence for the Belgian Congo on June 30,1960. The Soviets, who had been agitating and organizing in the Congo for years, were ready. Patrice Lumumba was their man, bought and paid for with cash, arms, luxuries, and all the women, gin, and hashish he wanted. With his Soviet and Czech "diplomats" and "technicians" who swarmed all over the Congo, Lumumba was able to control the Congo elections.(17) With Lumumba as premier and Joseph Kasavubu as president, peaceful independence lasted one week. Then Lumumba unleashed a communist reign of terror against the populace, murdering and torturing men, women, and children. Amidst this sea of carnage and terror, the province of Katanga remained, by comparison, an island of peace, order, and stability. Under the able leadership of the courageous Moise Kapenda Tshombe, Katanga declared its independence from the central Congolese regime. "I am seceding from chaos," declared President Tshombe, a devout Christian and an ardent anti-communist.(18) These were the days when the whole world witnessed the cry and the reality of "self determination" as it swept through the African continent. Anyone should have expected that Katanga's declaration of independence would have been greeted with the same huzzahs at the UN and elsewhere that similar declarations from dozens of communist revolutionary movements and pip-squeak dictatorships had evoked. But it was Tshombe's misfortune to be pro-Western, pro-free enterprise, and pro-constitutionally limited government at a time when the governments of both the U.S. and the USSR were supporting Marxist "liberators" throughout the world. Nikita Khrushchev declared Tshombe to be "a turncoat, a traitor to the interests of the Congolese people."(19) American liberals and the rabble at the UN dutifully echoed the hue and cry. To our nation's everlasting shame, on July 14, 1960, the U.S. joined with the USSR in support of a UN resolution authorizing the world body to send troops to the Congo.(20) These troops were used, NOT to stop the bloody reign of terror being visited on the rest of the Congo, but to assist Lumumba, the chief terrorist, in his efforts to subjugate Katanga. Within four days of the passage of that resolution, thousands of UN troops were flown on U.S. transports into the Congo, where they joined in the campaign against the only island of sanity in all of black Africa. Smith Hempstone, African correspondent for the Chicago Daily News, gave this firsthand account of the December 1961 UN attack on Elisabethville, the capital of Katanga: The U.N. jets next turned their attention to the center of the city. Screaming in at treetop level ... they blasted the post office and the radio station, severing Katanga's communications with the outside world... One came to the conclusion that the U.N.'s action was intended to make it more difficult for correspondents to let the world know what was going on in Katanga... A car pulled up in front of the Grand Hotel Leopold II where all of us were staying. "Look at the work of the American criminals," sobbed the Belgian driver. "Take a picture and send it to Kennedy!" In the backseat, his eyes glazed with shock, sat a wounded African man cradling in his arms the body of his ten-year-old son. The child's face and belly had been smashed to jelly by mortar fragments.(21) The 46 doctors of Elisabethville -- Belgian, Swiss, Hungarian, Brazilian, and Spanish -- unanimously issued a joint report indicting the United Nations atrocities against innocent civilians. This is part of their account of a UN attack on a hospital: The Shinkolobwe hospital is visibly marked with an enormous red cross on the roof... In the maternity, roof, ceilings, walls, beds, tables and chairs are riddled with bullets... 4 Katangan women who had just been delivered and one new-born child are wounded, a visiting child of 4 years old is killed; two men and one child are killed...(22) The UN atrocities escalated. Unfortunately, we do not have space here to devote to relating more of the details of this incredibly vicious chapter of UN history -- even though the progress toward establishing a permanent UN army makes full knowledge of every part of it more vital than ever. Among the considerable body of additional testimony about the atrocities, we highly recommend THE FEARFUL MASTER by G. Edward Griffin; WHO KILLED THE CONGO? by Philippa Schuyler; REBELS, MERCENARIES, AND DIVIDENDS by Smith Hempstone; and 46 Angry Men by the 46 doctors of Elisabethville. In 1962, a private group of Americans, outraged at our government's actions against the freedom-seeking Katangese, attempted to capture on film the truth about what was happening in the Congo. They produced KATANGA: THE UNTOLD STORY, an hour-long documentary narrated by Congressman Donald L. Jackson. With newsreel footage and testimony from eyewitnesses, including a compelling interview with Tshombe himself, the program exposed the criminal activities and brutal betrayal perpetrated on a peaceful people by the Kennedy Administration, other Western leaders, and top UN officials. It documents the fact that UN (including U.S.) planes deliberately bombed Katanga's schools, hospitals, and churches, while UN troops machine-gunned and bayoneted civilians, school children, and Red Cross workers who tried to help the wounded. This film is now available on videotape,(23) and is "must-viewing" for Americans who are determined that this land or any other land shall never experience similar UN atrocities. After waging three major offensive campaigns against the fledgling state, the UN "peace" forces overwhelmed Katanga and forced it back under communist rule. Even though numerous international observers witnessed and publicly protested the many atrocities committed by the UN'S forces, the world body has never apologized for or admitted to its wrongdoing. In fact, the UN and its internationalist cheering section continue to refer to this shameful episode as a resounding success.(24) Which indeed it was, if one keeps in mind the true goal of the organization. Following the Policy Line Why did the government of the United States side with the Soviet Union and the United Nations in their support of communists Lumumba and Kasavubu and their denunciation of Tshombe? Why did our nation supply military assistance to and an official endorsement of the UN's military action against Katanga? The answer to both questions is that our government was guided by the same "world order" policy line laid out by the New York Times in its hard-to-believe editorial of August 16, 1961: [W]e must seek to discourage anti-Communist revolts in order to avert bloodshed and war. We must, under our own principles, live with evil even if by doing so we help to stabilize tottering Communist regimes, as in East Germany, and perhaps even expose citadel of freedom, like West Berlin, to slow death by strangulation.(25) Further elaboration on this theme is revealed in a 1963 study conducted for the United States Arms Control and Disarmament Agency by the Peace Research Institute. Published in April of that year, here's what our tax dollars produced: Whether we admit it to ourselves or not, we benefit enormously from the capability of the Soviet police system to keep law and order over the 200 million odd Russians and the many additional millions in thc satellite states. The break-up of the Russian Communist empire today would doubtless be conducive to freedom, but would be a good deal more catastrophic for world order...(26) "We benefit enormously?" Who is this "we"? Certainly not the American taxpayer, who carried the tax burden for the enormous military expenditures needed to "contain" Soviet expansionism. And who determined that freedom must be sacrificed in the name of "world order"? Dr. Bloomfield, in the same classified IDA study cited earlier, again let the world-government cat out of the bag. If the communists remained too militant and threatening, he observed, "the subordination of states to a true world government appears impossible; BUT IF THE COMMUNIST DYNAMIC WERE GREATLY ABATED, THE WEST MIGHT WELL LOSE WHATEVER INCENTIVE IT HAS FOR WORLD GOVERNMENT." (27) ( Emphasis added) In other words, the world order Insiders were faced with the following conundrum: How do we make the Soviets menacing enough to convince Americans that world government is the only answer because confrontation is untenable; but, at the same time, not make the Soviets so menacing that Americans would decide to fight rather than become subject to communist tyrants? Are we unfairly stretching these admissions? Not at all. Keep in mind that from the end of World War II, up to the very time these statements were being written, the communists had brutally added Albania, Bulgaria, Yugoslavia, Poland, Romania, Czechoslovakia, North Korea, Hungary, East Germany, China, Tibet, North Vietnam, and Cuba to their satellite empire and were aggressively instigating revolutions throughout Africa, Asia, Latin America, and the Middle East. And, as was later demonstrated by the historical research of Dr. Antony Sutton and other scholars, all of these Soviet conquests had been immeasurably helped by massive and continuous transfusions from the West to the Kremlin of money, credit, technology, and scientific knowledge(28) It was arranged for and provided by the same CFR-affiliated policy elitists who recognized in the "communist dynamic" they created an "incentive" for the people in the West to accept "world government." Project Phoenix The U.S. Departments of State and Defense funded numerous other studies about US-USSR convergence and world order under UN control. In 1964, the surfacing of the Project Phoenix reports generated sufficient constituent concern to prompt several members of Congress to protest the funding of such studies.(29) But there was not enough pressure to force Congress to launch full investigations that could have led to putting an end to taxpayer funding of these serious attacks on American security and our constitutional system of government. Produced by the Institute for Defense Analyses for the U.S. Arms Control and Disarmament Agency, the Phoenix studies openly advocated "unification" of the U.S. and USSR.(30) The following passages taken from Study Phoenix Paper dated June 4, 1963 leaves no doubt about this goal: Unification -- ... At present the approach ... may appear so radical that it will be dismissed out of hand; nevertheless, its logical simplicity ... is so compelling that it seems to warrant more systematic investigation... Today, the United States and the Soviet Union combined have for all practical purposes a near monopoly of force in the world. If the use and direction of this power could somehow be synchronized, stability and, indeed even unity might be within reach.(31) The Phoenix studies, like many other government reports before and after, urged increased U.S. economic, scientific, and agricultural assistance to the Soviet Union. These recommendations are totally consistent with the long-range "merger" plans admitted to a decade before by Ford Foundation President Rowan Gaither. And both Republican and Democratic administrations have followed the same overall policy ever since. But world order think-tank specialists like Bloomfield realized that the incremental progress made through these programs was too slow. He even lamented that reaching the final goal "could take up to two hundred years."(32) Bloomfield then noted that there was "an alternate road" to merger and eventual world government, one that "relies on a grave crisis or war to bring about a sudden transformation in national attitudes sufficient for the purpose."(33) The taxpayer-funded academic explained that "the order we examine may be brought into existence as a result of a series of sudden, nasty, and traumatic shocks."(34) Incredible? Impossible? Couldn't happen here? Many Americans thought so 30 years ago -- before "perestroika," the Persian Gulf War, propaganda about global warming, and other highly publicized developments. But by the fall of 1990, Newsweek magazine would be reporting on the emerging reality of "Superpowers as Superpartners" and "a new order... the United States and the Soviet Union, united for crisis management around the globe."(35) [Emphasis added] In a seeming tipping of his hat to Bloomfield, President Bush would state in his official August 1991 report, NATIONAL SECURITY STRATEGY OF THE UNITED STATES: "I hope history will record that the Gulf crisis was the crucible of the new world order."(36) The CFR's house academics were already beating the convergence drums. Writing in the Winter 1990 issue of Foreign Policy ( published by the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace), Thomas G. Weiss (CFR) and Meryl A. Kessler exhorted: "If Washington is to seize the full potential of this opportunity, it will have to ... begin to treat the Soviet Union as a real partner." The long-planned partnership began to take form officially with the signing of "A Charter for American-Russian Partnership and Friendship" by Presidents Bush and Yeltsin on June 17, 1992. Among the many commitments for joint action in this agreement, we find the following: "... Summit meetings will be held on a regular basis"; "The United States of America and the Russian Federation recognize the importance of the United Nations Security Council" and support "the strengthening of UN peace-keeping"; The parties are determined "to cooperate in the development of ballistic missile defense capabilities and technologies," and work toward creation of a joint "Ballistic Missile Early Warning Center"; "In view of the potential for building a strategic partnership between the United States of America and the Russian Federation the parties intend to accelerate defense cooperation between their military establishments ..."; and "The parties will also pursue cooperation in peacekeeping counter-terrorism, and counter-narcotics missions."(37) Before this charter had even been signed, however, our new " partners" were already landing their bombers on American soil. AIRMAN, a magazine for the U.S. Air Force, reported in large headlines for the cover story of its July 1992 issue: "The Russians Have Landed." The cover also featured a photo of the two Russian Tu-95 Bear bombers and an An-124 transport which had landed on May 9th at Barksdale Air Force Base in Louisiana. An accompanying article noted that t,he Russians were given "a rousing salute from a brass band and a thrilled gathering of Air Force people and civilians who waved U.S. and Commonwealth of Independent States flags." The long-standing plan of the Insiders calls for a merger of the U.S. and the USSR (or Commonwealth of Independent States as it has become) and then world government under the United Nations (see Chapter 5). Details leading to completion of the plan are unfolding week after week, month after month, before an almost totally unaware America. CHAPTER 3 The UN Founders We're now in sight of a United Nations that performs as enuisioned by its founders.(1) -- George Bush, September 11,1990 Televised address before a Joint Session of Congress At last the United Nations is beginning to fulfill the security mission its founders intended. -- Democratic Congressman Lee H. Hamilton FOREIGN AFFAIRS, Summer 1992 With the United Nations finally beginning to function as its framers intended, it is time for the United States to lead... -- Republican Congressman James A. Leach FOREIGN AFFAIRS, Summer 1992 The United Nations has begun to fulfill the vision of its founders.(2) -- Changing Our Ways, 1992 report of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace After suffering years of declining prestige, the United Nations is once again basking in the same glory it enjoyed in the immediate post-World War II years. Solemn references to the "ideals," "vision," and "wisdom" of the UN founders abound in current speeches and articles as we experience another round of historical revisionism. In 1945, we are told, a peace-hungry world groped for solutions that would put an end to war. Atomic weapons made their quest an absolute necessity, because an atomic exchange could put an end to mankind. Statesmen of great vision seized the opportunity and fashioned an instrument -- the United Nations -- to attain that lofty and elusive goal: world peace. Creation of the CFR That, of course, is the standard textbook rendering and the interpretation of history most frequently encountered today. Unfortunately, it is not accurate. The organization known as the United Nations did indeed officially come into being with the signing of the UN Charter by representatives from 50 nations meeting in San Francisco on June 26,1945. But that signal event was the culmination of years of planning by a private, high-level policy group that had gained de facto control of our foreign policy during the Roosevelt Administration. Immediately after our entry into the war, that organization, the Council on Foreign Relations (CFR), planted the idea of a world-governing "peace" organization. At the instigation of our State Department, the 26 nations at war against the Axis powers proclaimed themselves the United Nations in January 1942. Historian Clarence Carson observed: Roosevelt worked to avoid the pitfalls that had helped to keep the United States out of the League of Nations. His hand is clearly apparent in trying to get the name accepted even before the organization had been formed. (Americans continued to refer to their side as the "Allies" during World War II, not the "United Nations," but officially the term was being used anyhow.)(3) President Roosevelt, however, was merely implementing the policies that were being handed to him. In his 1988 expose, THE SHADOWS OF POWER: THE COUNCIL ON FOREIGN RELATIONS AND THE AMERICAN DECLINE, James Perloff outlined the genesis of the UN plan: In January 1943, Secretary of State Cordell Hull formed a steering committee composed of himself, Leo Pasvolsky, Isaiah Bowman, Sumner Welles, Norman Davis, and Morton Taylor. All of these men -- with the exception of Hull -- were in the CFR. Later known as the Informal Agenda Group, they drafted the original proposal for the United Nations. It was Bowman -- a founder of the CFR and member of Colonel House's old "Inquiry" -- who first put forward the concept. They called in three attorneys, all CFR men, who ruled that it was constitutional. Then they discussed it with FDR on June 15, 1944. The President approved the plan, and announced it to the public that same day.(4) The list of those in the U.S. delegation to the UN's founding San Francisco Conference reads like a CFR roll call. Delegates who were, had been, or would later become members of the Council included: Theodore C. Achilles Foy D. Kohler James W. Angell John E. Lockwood Hamilton Fish Armstrong Archibald MacLeish Charles E. Bohlen John J. McCloy Isaiah Bowman Cord Meyer, Jr. Ralph Bunche Edward G. Miller, Jr. John M. Cabot Hugh Moore Mitchell B. Carroll Leo Pasvolsky Andrew W. Cordier Dewitt C. Poole John S. Dickey William L. Ransom John Foster Dulles Nelson A. Rockefeller James Clement Dunn James T. Shotwell Clyde Eagleton Harold E. Stassen Clark M. Eichelberger Edward R. Stettinius, Jr. Muir S. Fairchild Adlai E. Stevenson Thomas K. Finletter Arthur Sweetser Artemus Gates James Swihart Arthur J. Hepburn Llewellyn E. Thompson Julius C. Holmes Herman B. Wells Philip C. Jessup Francis Wilcox Joseph E. Johnson Charles W. Yost R. Keith Kane The secretary-general of the conference was U.S. State Department official Alger Hiss, a member of the CFR and a secret Soviet agent. Other high-level American communists who served as delegates included: Noel Field, Harold Glasser, Irving Kaplan, Nathall Gregory Silvermaster, Victor Perlo, Henry Julian Wadley, and Harry Dexter White. Some -- like Hiss, Lauchlin Currie, and Lawrence Duggan -- shared the odious distinction of membership in both the Council and the Communist Party. In the next chapter, we will explore the important relationship between these two seemingly disparate organizations as well as the communist leadership role at the conference. But for now, let us concentrate on the Council. What the historical record shows, and what is essential for all people of good will to understand, is that the United Nations is completely a creature of the Council on Foreign Relations and was designed by that organization eventually to become an instrument for an all-powerful world government. In order to establish the factual basis for this claim, and to permit an appreciation for the significance of it, we must revisit some murky pages of the history of this century. Some Necessary Background Hitler's invasion of Poland, the CASUS BELLI of World War II, was launched on September 1,1939. Although the United States would not enter the war for two more years (December 1941), within days of the German invasion top members of the CFR were taking over POST-WAR planning for the Roosevelt Administration. In 1947, the Council published its own version of how it came to run FDR's State Department: Within a week [of the war's start], Hamilton Fish Armstrong, Editor of FOREIGN AFFAIRS, and Walter H. Mallory, Executive Director of the Council, paid a visit to the Department of State to offer such aid on the part of the Council as might be useful and appropriate in view of the war. The Department was already greatly overworked as a result of thc crisis... The Council representatives suggested that, pending the time when the Department itself would be able to assemble a staff and begin research and analysis on the proper scale, the Council might undertake work in certain fields, without, of course, any formal assignment of responsibility on the one side or restriction of independent action on the other... The Department officers welcomed the Council's suggestion and encouragcd the Council to formulate a more detailed plan. This wa done in consultation with Department officials. The Rockefeller Foundation was then approached for a grant of funds to put the plan into operation. When assurances had been received that the necessary funds would be available, the personnel of the groups were selected and on December 8, 1939, an organization meeting was held in Washington...(6) Following that meeting, as Robert W. Lee explained in his 1981 book, The UNITED NATIONS CONSPIRACY, the State Department established a Committee on Post-War Problems. It was assisted by a research staff that was organized in February 1941 into a Division of Special Research. "After the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor," wrote Lee, "the research facilities were expanded and the overall project was reorganized into an Advisory Committee on Post-War Foreign Policies. Serving on the Committee were a number of influential CFR members, including Hamilton Fish Armstrong, Sumner Welles, Isaiah Bowman, Norman H. Davis, James T. Shotwell, Myron C. Taylor, and Leo Pasvolsky. The Russian-born Pasvolsky became the Committee's Director of Research."(7) The Council and its defenders insist that it has no sinister agenda; that, in fact, it has no agenda at all. "The Council shall not take any position on questions of foreign policy," the organization officia]ly declares.(8) It is simply a study group, its spokesmen regularly maintain, and its civic-minded members offered their expertise in service of their country during an hour of great peril. And they have continued to provide their services ever since. One who heartily disagreed with those protestations of innocence and benevolence was Admiral Chester Ward, a former Judge Advocate General of the Navy, who was himself a member of the Council for 16 years. His experience led him to conclude that the group was formed for the "purpose of promoting disarmament and submergence of U.S. sovereignty and national independence into an allpowerful one-world government." Together with coauthor Phyllis Schlafly, he wrote that the most influential clique within the CFR "is composed of the one-world-global-government ideologists -- more respectfully referred to as the organized internationalists. They are the ones who carry on the tradition of the founders." Moreover, he charged, "this lust to surrender the sovereignty and independence of the United States is pervasive throughout most of the membership... The majority visualize the utopian submergence of the United States as a subsidiary administrative unit of a global govcrnment..."(9) These are serious charges from a man of considerable distinction who enjoyed the benefit of an inside look at the Insiders of the American Establishment. Admiral Ward is far from alone in rendering this harsh judgement of the CFR. After surveying the colossal damage done to America and the Free World from the foreign and domestic policies imposed by members of the Council, many patriotic Americans have arrived at the same conclusion. These include historians, journalists, academicians, members of Congress, and other civic leaders. We will be introducing some of their statements further along in this book. Morc immediatcly, however, let us examine the origins of thc Council on Foreign Relations. Origins of the CFR According to the CFR's own history: The origins of the Council on Foreign Relations lay in the concern of the founders at what they regarded as the disappointing conduct of the Versailles negotiations ... and at the short-sighted, as they saw it, rejection by the United States of membership in the League of Nations. In 1921 they founded the Council as a privately funded, nonprofit and nonpartisan organization of individual members.(10) Accompanying President Woodrow Wilson to the Versailles Peace Conference at the end of World War I were a number of men who would become founders of the CFR. Preeminent among these was Wilson's closest adviser, the mysterious Colonel Edward Mandell House. So dependent was Wilson upon House that he referred to him as "my second personality," "my independent self," "my alter ego." Further, he asserted, "His thoughts and mine are one."(11) According to Wilson biographer George Sylvester Viereck, "Woodrow Wilson stalks through history on the feet of Edward Mandell House."(12) An appreciation of this abnormal dependency, what Viereck would call "The Strangest Friendship in History,"(13) is essential to understanding the course of American statecraft in the ensuing decades. It was Colonel House who penned the first draft of the covenant of the League of Nations.(14) He also prevailed on Wilson to convene the group known as the "Inquiry," a cabal of American one-worlders who formulated much of Wilson's "Fourteen Points" peace program. Hand-picked by House, the group included Walter Lippman, Allen W. Dulles, John Foster Dulles, Christian A. Herter, and Norman Thomas. Director of the Inquiry was Dr. Sidney Mezes, House's brother-in-law.(15) Perhaps one of the best sources of insight into the mind and character of Wilson's "alter ego" is a novel authored by House entitled PHILIP DRU: ADMINISTRATOR. (16) Although it was published anonymously during the presidential campaign of 1912, the colonel later acknowledged the book as his own. He admitted it was "not much of a novel," but that fiction was the best format for disseminating his political ideas to a large audience.(17) One need barely open the book's cover to discover the author's radical ideals. The title page prominently features a quotation by the 19th century revolutionist and arch-conspirator Giuseppe Mazzini. Identified on the same page is the book's publisher, B. W. Huebsch, a longtime publisher of leftwing literature who was affiliated with numerous Communist Party fronts. The dedication page declares, in typical Marxist fashion, that "in the starting, the world-wide social structure was wrongly begun." The novel's hero, PHILIP DRU, opines that American society is "a miserable travesty" and believes in "Socialism as dreamed of by Karl Marx," modified with a "spiritual leavening." Dru leads a military coup, establishes himself as dictator of the United States, abolishes the constitution and institutes Marxist reforms. Many of Administrator Dru's "reforms" would later be adopted by President Wilson. Viereck observed that "The Wilson Administration transferred the Colonel's ideas from the pages of fiction to the pages of history."(18) House's novel, commented Dr. J. B. Matthews, "is an indispensable source book on the origins of Woodrow Wilson's New Freedom and Franklin D. Roosevelt's New Deal."(19) Through Phili.p Dru, House also proposed a "league of nations" -- anticipating by seven years Wilson's appeal at Versailles for an identicallynamed world body. In its 1928 SURVEY OF AMERICAN FOREIGN RELATIONS, the CFR reported, "In the first months of the World War a new movement sprang up spontaneously -- the League to Enforce Peace."(20) Actually, it didn't spring up "spontaneously" at all. The League was the creation of one Theodore Marburg, a wealthy internationalist from Maryland, and was funded primarily by Andrew Carnegie, at the time reputed to be the richest man in the world.(21) The CFR history recounts that "the four years' activity of the League to Enforce Peace served the League [of Nations] cause by preparing the public mind for its reception and by popularizing the ideal of international organization in behalf of peace."(22) Concerning Wilson's involvement with the Marburg/Carnegie League to Enforce Peace, the 1928 volume reported: As early as the autumn of 1914 Wilson said, when looking ahead to the end of the war; "all nations must be absorbed into some great association of nations..." When Wilson was persuaded to speak at the League to Enforce Peace banquet in Washington on May 27, 1916, he endorsed the program of that organization only indirectly, making no mention of force; but he advocated the general idea of a league with such ardor that he was henceforth regarded as its champion.(23) The U.S. Senate, however, led by "irreconcilables" Henry Cabot Lodge of Massachusetts and William Borah of Idaho, refused to ratify the Covenant. Americans were suspicious of entanglements with the constantly warring European powers and wanted no part of submersion in a world super-state. Without American participation, the one-worlders' plans for a global government would come to naught. "Wilson had done his best in his individualistic way from 1914 to stimulate a public desire for a liberal peace and a new world order," said the CFR's director of research Charles P. Howland. But, he wrote, "Men's minds were not ready for great decisions in a new political field; the mass opinion of 120,000,000 people orientates itself slowly in novel situations."(24) Obviously, men's minds needed to be made "ready." It was for this purpose that the Council on Foreign Relations was launched at a May 1919 meeting held at the Majestic Hotel in Paris. Joining American members of the Inquiry were like-minded internationalists from Britain belonging to the elite, semi-secret Round Table group begun by that diamond and gold mogul of fabled wealth, Cecil Rhodes.(25) According to Rhodes biographer Sarah Millin, "The government of the world was Rhodes' simple desire."(26) The Paris meeting was hosted by Colonel House.(27) Out of that gathering was born an Institute of International Affairs, which would have branches in London and New York. The locations were appropriate, since as one historian of the Council observed, "nearly all of them [the CFR's founding members] were bankers and lawyers."(28) Not just your ordinary, run-of-the-mill bankers and lawyers, mind you, these were the top international barristers and financiers of Wall Street who were associated with the magic name of J. P. Morgan. "The founding president of the CFR," wrote author James Perloff, "was John W. Davis, who was J. P. Morgan's personal attorney and a millionaire in his own right. Founding vice-president was Paul Cravath, whose law firm also represented the Morgan interests. Morgan partner Russell Leffingwell would later become the Council's first chairman. A variety of other Morgan partners, attorneys and agents crowded the CFR's early membership rolls."(29) In 1921, the American branch of the organization launched in Paris was incorporated in New York as the Council on Foreign Relations. The British branch became the Royal Institute of International Affairs, otherwise known as Chatham House. CFR Globalist Influence Grows To propagate its "internationalist" world view among a select intelligentsia, the Council launched a quarterly journal, FOREIGN AFFAIRS. TIME magazine called FOREIGN AFFAIRS "the most influential periodical in print,"(30) while the CFR itself boasts that its journal provides an "insider's look at world politics."3l Admiral Ward said of its influence: "By following the evolution of this propaganda in the most prestigious scholarly journal in the world, FOREIGN AFFAIRS, anyone can determine years in advance what the future defense and foreign policies of the United States will be. If a certain proposition is repeated often enough in that journal, then the U.S. Administration in power -- be it Republican or Democratic -- begins to act as if that proposition or assumption were an established fact."(32) ( Emphasis in original) The CFR's globalist bent was evident from the first issue of FOREIGN AFFAIRS, where readers were told, "Our government should enter heartily into the existing League of Nations..."(33) With CFR members in charge of dispersing tens of millions of dollars from the major tax-exempt foundations (Carnegie, Rockefeller, Twentieth Century Fund) each year, it was not long before an entire nationwide network of one-world support groups was established. BY 1928 the CFR's research division could report to the Council: University courses dealing with international affairs have trebled in number since the war; there has been an outpouring of books on foreign relations, diplomatic history, and international law; periodicals such as FOREIGN AFFAIRS, CURRENT HISTORY, and the AMERICAN JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL LAW, and the information service of the Foreign Policy Association are supplying materials for a sound background; and associations and organizations devoted to an impartial discussion of international relations and the supplying of authentic information have sprung up in almost every great city. As yet, however, these agencies for furnishing adequate standards of judgment and accurate current information have not penetrated very far down in society.(34) Whether or not the Council's approved sources provided " impartial discussion," "authentic information," and "adequate standards of judgment" is something for each reader to decide for himself. It is worth noting, however, that a congressional investigation by the Special House Committee to Investigate Tax-Exempt Foundations (the Reece Committee) concluded in 1954 that the CFR "productions are not objective but are directed overwhelmingly at promoting the globalist concept," and that it had become "in essence an agency of the United States Government ... carrying its internationalist bias with it."(35) The director of research for that investigative committee was the same Norman Dodd whom we quoted in our Introduction (about the astonishing admission to him by Ford Foundation President H. Rowan Gaither). If Dodd was jarred (and he was) by Gaither's confessed involvement in a master scheme to merge the U.S. and the Soviet Union, he was no less shocked by what his investigative team found in the minutes of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. In his 1980 expose, THE TAX-EXEMPT FOUNDATIONS, William H. McIlhany, II interviewed Norman Dodd, who repeated what his investigator Kathryn Casey had found in the "peace" organization's minutes compiled several years before the start of World War I: [In the minutes] the trustees raised a question. And they discussed the question and the question was specific, Is there any means known to man more effective than war, assuming you wish to alter the life of an entire people?" And they discussed this and at the end of a year they came to the conclusion that there was no more effective means to that end known to man. So, then they raised question number two, and the question was, "How do we involve the United States in a war?" And then they raised the question, "How do we control the diplomatic machinery of the United States?" And the answer came out, 'e must control the State Department. At this point we catch up with what we had already found out and that was that through an agency set up by the Carnegie Endowment every high appointment in the State Department was cleared. Finally, we were in a war. These trustees in a meeting about 1917 had the brashness to congratulate themselves on the wisdom of their original decision because already the impact of war had indicated it would alter lifeand can alter life in this country. This was the date of our entry in the war; we were involved. THEY EVEN HAD THE BRASHNESS TO WORD AND TO DISPATCH A TELEGRAM TO MR. WILSON, CAUTIONING HIM TO SEE THAT THE WAR DID NOT END TOO QUICKLY. [ Emphasis added] The war was over. Then the concern became, as expressed by the trustees, seeing to it that there was no reversion to life in this country as it existed prior to 1914. And they came to the conclusion that, to prevent a reversion, they must control education. And then they approached the Rockefeller Foundation and they said, 'ill you take on the acquisition of control of education as it involves subjects that are domestic in their significance? We'll take it on the basis of subjects that have an international significance." And it was agreed. Then, together, they decided the key to it is the teaching of American history and they must change that. So, they then approached the most prominent of what we might call American historians at that time with the idea of getting them to alter the manner in which they presented the subject.(36) The first president of the Endowment was Theodore Roosevelt's Secretary of State, Elihu Root,(37) who became an honorary member of the CFR in 1922 and from 1931-37 served as honorary president of the group. Later a U.S. senator and Nobel Peace Prize recipient, Root stated in his address to the CFR, at the opening of its new headquarters in 1930, that to achieve its goals the Council would have to engage in "steady, continuous, and unspectacular labor."(38) That it has surely done. A host of adjunct organizations were created to promote the CFR viewpoint: the United World Federalists, Atlantic Council, Trilateral Commission, Aspen Institute, Business Council, Foreign Policy Association, etc. Through its members, the CFR steadily gained influence in and dominance of the executive branch of the federal government, both major political parties, important organs of the news media, major universities, influential think tanks, large tax-exempt foundations, huge multi-national corporations, international banks, and other power centers. Historian Arthur M. Schlesinger (CFR), who served as a special assistant to President Kennedy, wrote in 1965 of "the New York financial and legal community -- that arsenal of talent which had so long furnished a steady supply ... to Democratic as well as Republican administrations. This community was the heart of the American Establishment ... its front organizations [are] the Rockefeller, Ford and Carnegie foundations and the Council on Foreign Relations; its organs, the NEW YORK TIMES and FOREIGN AFFAIRS."(39) John J. McCloy was known in CFR Insider circles as "the chairman of the Establishment." Besides serving as chairman of the CFR from 193 to 1970, and as chairman of both the Ford Foundation and the Rockefellers' Chase Manhattan Bank for long periods, hc was friend and advisor to nine U.S. presidents, from Franklin Roosevelt to Ronald Reagan.(40) McCloy recalled: "Whenever we needed a man we thumbed through the roll of the Council members and put through a call to New York."(41) The Council's imprimatur has become so essential for many top posts that veteran CFR member Richard Barnet has stated, "failure to be asked to be a member of the Council has been regarded for a generation as a presumption of unsuitability for high office in the national security bureaucracy."(42) Commenting decades ago on this Insider lockgrip on our government, newspaper columnist Edith Kermit Roosevelt (a granddaughter of Theodore Roosevelt) wrote: What is the Establishment's view-point? Through the Roosevc]t, Truman, Eisenhower and Kennedy administrations its ideology is constant: That the best way to fight Communism is by a One World Socialist state governed by "experts" like themselves. The result has been policies which favor the growth of the superstate, gradual surrender of United States sovereignty to the United Nations and a steady retreat in the face of Communist aggression.(43) That CFR lockhold on the White House and other top positions in the federal government has continued through to the present. Writing in the September 21, 1992 issue of THE NEW AMERICAN, Robert W. Lee briefly cited some key indicators of continuing CFR dominance: At least 13 of the 18 men to serve as Secretary of State since the CFR's founding have belonged to the organization, not counting current Acting Secretary of State Lawrence Eagleburger, who is also a member. Our last eight CIA directors have also belonged, including current chief Robert M. Gates. During the past four decades alone, the major-party candidates for President and Vice President who were, or eventually became, members of the CFR include: Dwight D. Eisenhower, Adlai Stevenson, John F. Kennedy, Richard Nixon, Hubert Humphrey, George McGovern, Gerald Ford, Jimmy Carter, Walter Mondale, Michael Dukakis, George Bush, Bill Clinton, Henry Cabot Lodge, Nelson A. Rockefeller, Edmund Muskie, and Geraldine Ferraro. President Bush was a CFR director in the 1970s. Members of his Administration who belong include Secretary of Defense Dick Cheney, National Security Advisor Brent Scowcroft, CIA Director Wi]liam Webster, and Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff General Colin Powell. The UN founders so highly lauded today were carrying out a decades-old plan of -- in the words of Admiral Ward -- "promoting disarmament and submergence of U.S. sovereignty and independence into an all-powerful one-world government."44 They were " one-world-global-government-ideologists," who conspired with totalitarian communists to subvert and destroy the constitutional system of government they had sworn under oath to protect and uphold. Their treasonous actions, "ideals" and "vision" deserve not honor but utter contempt. CHAPTER 4 Reds I am appalled at the extensive euidence indicating that there is today in the UN among the American employees there, the greatest concentration of Communists that this Committee has ever encountered... These people occupy high positions. They have very high salaries and almost all of these people have, in the past, been employees in the U.S. government in high and sensitive positions.(1) -- U.S. Senator James 0. Eastland Activities of U.S. Citizens Employed by the UN Hearings, Senate Committee on the Judiciary, 1952 The creation of the United Nations, as we saw in the previous chapter, was the culmination of an intensive campaign begun in the early days of this century by those who could only be described as the pillars of the American Establishment. Names like Carnegie, Morgan, Warburg, Schiff, Marburg, and Rockefeller headed the list of those promoting "world order." It is interesting then, though a source of confusion to many, to learn that not only were the ideas of world government in general and the League of Nations and United Nations in particular especially fond goals of these "arch-capitalists," but they were also the ultimate objects of desire for world socialist and communist movements. This is not idle speculation but a matter of historical record so overwhelmingly evident as to hardly need proving. Unfortunately, that record is not widely known. As long ago as 1915, before the Bolshevik Revolution, Lenin himself proposed a "United States of the World."(2) In 1936, the official program of the Communist International proclaimed: "Dictatorship can be estblihcd only by a victory of socialism in different countries or groups of countries, after which the proletariat republics would unite on federal lines with those already in existence, and this system of federal unions would expand ... at length forming the World Union of Socialist Soviet Republics."(3) Shortly after the founding of the UN, in March of 1946, Soviet dictator and mass-murderer Joseph Stalin declared: "I attribute great importance to U.N.O. [United Nations Organization, as it was then commonly called] since it is a serious instrument for preservation of peace and international security."(4) The American communists, too, left no doubt about their commitment to Soviet-style, one-world government. In his 1932 book TOWARD SOVIET AMERICA, William Z. Foster, national chairman of the Communist Party USA (CPUSA), wrote: The American Soviet government will join with the other Soviet governments in a world Soviet Union... Not christianity [sic] but Communism will bring peace on earth. A Communist world will be a unified, organized world. The economic system will be one great organization, based upon the principle of planning now dawning in the U.S.S.R. The American Soviet government will be an important section in this world organization.(5) Earl Browder, general secretary of the CPUSA, stated in his book, VICTORY AND AFTER, that "the American Communists worked energetically and tirelessly to lay the foundations for the United Nations which we were sure would come into existence."(6) Moreover, this leader of the American Reds declared: It can be said, without exaggeration, that ever closer relations between our nation and the Soviet Union are an unconditional requirement for the United Nations as a world coalition...(7) The United Nations is the instrument for victory. Victory is required for the survival of our nation. The Soviet Union is an essential part of the United Nations. Mutual confidence between our country and the Soviet Union and joint work in the leadership of the United Nations are absolutely necessary.(8) Some indication of the importance the Kremlin attached to the creation of the UN can be gained from the April 1945 issue of POLITICAL AFFAIRS, its official mouthpiece in the United States directed principally at Party members. The American comrades were told: After the Charter is passed at San Francisco, it will have to be approved by two thirds of the Senate, and this action will establish a weighty precedent for other treaties and agreements still to come. But the victory cannot be won in the Senate alone; it must emanate from the organized and broadening national support built up for the President's policy, on the eve of the San Francisco gathering and after... Great popular support and enthusiasm for the United Nations policies should be built up, well organized and fully articulate. But it is also necessary to do more than that. The opposition must be rendered so impotent that it will be unable to gather any significant support in the Senate against the United Nations Charter and the treaties which will follow.(9) Support for the UN was even written into the Communist Party's basic document. The preamble to the constitution of the Communist Party, USA states: The Communist party of the United States ... fights uncompromisingly against ... all forms of chauvinism... It holds further that the true national interest of our country and the cause of peace and progress require ... the strengthening of the United Nations as a universal instrument of peace.(10) We have also the testimony of many former communists which reveals the value the Party placed on the world organization. In her autobiography, SCHOOL OF DARKNESS, former top CPUSA official Dr. Bella Dodd told of her role in the Party's campaign for the UN: When the Yalta conference had ended, the Communists prepared to support the United Nations Charter which was to be adopted at the San Francisco conference to be held in May and June, 1945. For this I organized a corps of speakers and we took to the street corners and held open-air meetings in the millinery and clothing sections of New York where thousands of people congregate at the lunch hour. We spoke of the need for world unity and in support of the Yalta decisions.(11) Another former top Communist Party member, Joseph Z Kornfeder, revealed in 1955: Now, as to the United Nations. If you were, let's say, a building engineer, and someone were to show you a set of blueprints about a certain building, you would know from those blueprints how that building was going to look. Organization "blueprints" can be read the same way. I need not be a member of the United Nations Secretariat to know that the UN "blueprint" is a Communist one. I was at the Moscow headquarters of the world Communist party for nearly three years and was acquainted with most of the top leaders, and, of course, I was also a leading party worker. I went to their colleges; I learned their pattern of operations, and if I see that pattern in effect anywhere, I can recognize it... From the point of view of its master designers meeting at Dumbarton Oaks and Bretton Woods, and which included such masterful agents as Alger Hiss, Harry Dexter White, Lauchlin Currie, and others, the UN was, and is, not a failure. They and the Kremlin masterminds behind them never intended the UN as a peace-keeping organization. What they had in mind was a fancy and colossal Trojan horse under the wings of which their smaller agencies could more effectively operate. And in that they succeeded, even beyond their expectations... Its [the UN's] internal setup, Communist designed, is a pattern for sociological conquest; a pattern aimed to serve the purpose of Communist penetration of the West. It is ingenious and deceptive.(12) Two years earlier (1953), a congressional committee heard testimony from Colonel Jan Bukar, a Czechoslovakian intelligence officer who had defected to the West. Among the revelations he supplied was a lecture given by Soviet General Bondarenko at the Frunze Military Academy in Moscow. In that lecture, Bondarenko told thc elite trainees: "From the rostrum of the United Nations, we shall convince the colonial and semicolonial people to liberate themselves and to spread the Communist theory all over the world."(13) Kornfeder was not suffering delusions when he claimed to see a communist design and a "pattern for sociological conquest" in the UN's setup. The historical record amply demonstrates that American citizens who were conscious Soviet agents operating at high levels of the U.S. government were very instrumental in the planning and formation of both the United Nations Charter and the organization itself. State Department and Treasury Department officials who were key figures in planning the UN, and who were later exposed during official investigations as Soviet agents, include:(14) Soloman Adler Abraham G. Silverman Virginius Frank Coe Nathan G. Silvermaster Lawrence Duggan William H. Taylor Noel Field William L. Ullman Harold Glasser John Carter Vincent Alger Hiss Henry Julian Wadleigh Irving Kaplan David Weintraub Victor Perlo Harry Dexter White The UN's Top Men As we have noted, the first secretary-general of the United Nations at the organization's founding conference was Alger Hiss. Since that time, six other men have held the position of secretarygeneral, the highest office in the world organization. Each of these individuals has advanced the causes of world communism and world government, while endangering American sovereignty and liberty. Because the leaders of any group tell much about the organization they represent, the records of each of these men deserve close examination. Unfortunately, we have space here for only a very brief look at the men who have led the UN. ALGER HISS. As far back as 1939, the FBI had presented solid evidence concerning Hiss's Communist activities to the executive branch. It continued to issue repeated warnings concerning him. But, as had happened in so many previous cases and would continue to occur with a frequency that became an established pattern, the reports were disregarded. In 1944, Hiss was made acting director of the State Department's Office of Special Political Affairs in charge of all postwar planning. He was the executive secretary of the critically important 1944 Dumbarton Oaks Conference, where Stalin's expert Vyacheslav Molotov and "our" expert Hiss worked together on the UN Charter. It was Hiss who accompanied President Roosevelt to the infamous Yalta Conference, where he served as the dying President's "top international organization specialist." It was at that conference in the Soviet Crimea during February 1945 that FDR agreed to give the Soviets three votes in the UN General Assembly to our one. As critics pointed out when that secret agreement became known, giving the Soviets separate votes for the Ukraine and Byelorussia made as much sense as giving extra votes to the United States for Texas and California. It was Hiss's starring role at San Francisco, however, that was most important. As the acting secretary-general, he was the chief planner and executive of that conference. TIME magazine, reporting about Hiss and the upcoming conference, stated in its April 16, 1945 issue: "As secretary-general, managing the agenda, he will have a lot to say behind the scenes about who gets the breaks." At San Francisco, Hiss also served on the steering and executive committees, which put the finishing touches on the UN Charter. And it was Alger Hiss, who at the conclusion of the conference, personally carried the new charter back to Washington for Senate ratification. Hiss was later exposed as a Soviet spy, and in 1950 was convicted for perjuring himself before a federal Grand Jury while being questioned about his communist activities.(15) The statute of limitations on his espionage charges had run out, but he served 44 months in the federal penitentiary for the perjury charges. His trial was one of the most celebrated in American history. Not only did communists, socialists, liberals, and radical leftists turn out to support Hiss, so too did the CFR-dominated Establishment media. As we have noted, Hiss was himself a member of the CFR. Following his stint at the UN founding in San Francisco, he was named president of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. The man responsible for hiring him was the chairman of the Endowment, John Foster Dulles, a founder of the CFR. Dulles, who would later serve as Secretary of State (1953-59), was informed of Hiss's communist background in 1946, but ignored this information until February 1948, just one month before Hiss went before the Grand Jury.(16) TRYGVE LIE. The first elected secretary-general of the United Nations, Trygve Lie, was a Norwegian socialist. Lie was a high-ranking member of the Social Democratic Labor Party in Norway, an offshoot of the early Communist International, and a strong supporter of the Soviet Union on virtually every issue. It was hardly surprising then that the Soviet Union led the campaign to elect Lie as secretary-general. One of Lie's principal causes was the admission of Red China to the UN, which was also a primary objective of the Soviet Union. DAG HAMMARSKJOLD. Lie was succeeded by another Scandinavian socialist who was openly sympathetic to the world communist revolution. Hammarskjold once stated in a letter to a friend that "... Chou En-lai to me appears as the most superior brain I have so far met in the field of foreign politics." This he spoke of the man who, together with Mao Tse-tung, was responsible for the murder of between 34 million and 64 million Chinese.(17) It was Hammarskjold who was primarily responsible for the early planning and direction of the UN's brutal war against Katanga (see Chapter 2). When Soviet troops invaded Hungary to crush the 1956 uprising, Hammarskjold turned a deaf ear to the Hungarian freedom fighters. As secretary-general, he persecuted the courageous Danish UN diplomat Povl Bang-Jensen, who refused to turn over the names of Hungarian refugees who had testified in confidence to a special UN committee. U THANT. Burmese Marxist U Thant continued and intensified an anti-American, pro-Soviet tradition begun by his predecessors. While ignoring the massive human rights abuses -- torture, slaughter, imprisonment -- of the communist regimes, Thant slavishly followed the Soviet line by condemning Rhodesia and South Africa as terrible human rights violators. During the Vietnam War, Thant continually used the rostrum of the Secretariat to place the blame for the war on the United States. Secretary-General Thant revealed a great deal about both himself and the organization which he headed with his statement in 1970 that the "ideals" of Bolshevik dictator and mass-murderer Lenin were in accord with the UN Charter. "Lenin was a man with a mind of great clarity and incisiveness," Thant said, "and his ideas have had a profound influence on the course of contemporary history." The Burmese Marxist continued: "[Lenin's] ideals of peace and peaceful coexistence among states have won widespread international acceptance and they are in line with the aims of the U.N. Charter."(18) For his personal staff assistant, Thant chose Soviet KGB officer Viktor Lessiovsky with whom he had established a friendship in the early 1950s.(19) KURT WALDHEIM. When U Thant retired on December 31, 1971, the Soviet Union was ready with a replacement. Austrian Kurt Waldheim was its choice, and for good reason. He had deep, dark secrets that would assure his usefulness to them. During World War II, Waldheim not only wore the uniform of the Third Reich, but also worked with Yugoslavian communist leader Tito. "As soon as he was safely in office [as UN secretary-general], Waldheim planted over 250 Russians in key posts," revealed foreign affairs expert Hilaire du Berrier. "His immediate circle was composed almost completely of Titoists... When Tito met his old friend at the UN, he hugged him to his breast and gave him a decoration -- a great honor for a man who had massacred Serbs, Slovenes, Montenegrans and other Yugoslavs."(20) During his reign as secretary-general, the Establishment media kept Waldheim's Nazi-Communist past under wraps. During the 1970s, while Waldheim was praising communist dictators and dictatorships, The John Birch Society, through its publications, was virtually the only source for this important information about the Secretary-General's background.(21) Finally, in 1986, the NEW YORK TIMES and other CFR media "discovered" the Waldheim Nazi connection, when the by-that-time "former" secretary-general was running for president of Austria. JAVIER PEREZ DE CUELLAR. This Peruvian diplomat took the UN helm in 1981 and is credited with greatly burnishing the UN image. "Under his tutelage," said WALL STREET JOURNAL reporter Frederick Kempe, "the U.N. has been midwife to more peace agreements than ever before."(22) Perez de Cuellar helped convene and also addressed the Global Forum of Spiritual and Parliamentary Leaders on Human Survival, the New Age-ecology-world religion confab convened by Mikhail Gorbachev in 1990. He penned the Foreword to the radical socialist New Age publication, GAIA PEACE ATLAS.(23) Perez de Cuellar has distinguished himself as a man of "peace." Like the other men who have held his post, however, he finds it impossible to condemn communist oppression. Speaking of the 1989 Tiananmen Square massacre, an event that occurred during his watch at the UN, Perez de Cuellar has said: "Tiananmen was exaggerated. I think it was a really cruel oppression, but from there to say it was a tremendous, dramatic, tragic violation of human rights is an exaggeration."(24) If an estimated 5,000 dead, 10,000 wounded, the subsequent torture and imprisonment of tens of thousands, and the execution of a still unknown number do not qualify as a " tremendous, dramatic, tragic violation of human rights," what does? BOUTROS BOUTROS-GHALI. A former professor of international relations, Boutros-Ghali began his political career in the regime of the pro-Soviet Egyptian dictator Gamal Abdel Nasser. As editor of the official ECONOMIC AHRAM, it was his job to give credibility to the communistic ideas of the Nasser revolution. As with all of the men who have held the UN's top post, Boutros-Ghali had the support of the communists As we have previously noted (Chapter 2), Boutros-Ghali has initiated revolutionary advances in the UN's march toward world government. He has called for the forming of a permanent UN Army and is pressing for taxing authority for the UN globocrats. Espionage and Propaganda Through the decades, communist leaders and their clients certainly have used the United Nations for world propaganda, as advocated by Soviet General Bondarenko. Red dictators and terrorists from Khrushchev, Tito, and Ceaucescu to Nkrumah, Castro, Lumumba, Arafat, and Mandela have been honored with rousing ovations at the UN. Their anti-American tirades have been broadcast to the world from that forum of "world peace and brotherhood." The Communists' use of the UN as a principal center of espionage against the United States has been exposed time and again. FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover stated in 1963 that communist diplomats assigned to the UN "represent the backbone of Russian intelligence operations in this country."(25) British espionage authority Chapman Pincher has observed: Because of the protection and cover they afford, all the major United Nations institutions have been heavily penetrated... Whole books have been published listing the abuse and manipulation of the United Nations by the Soviets. The area most blatantly used for active measures and espionage is the main headquarters in New York.(26) Among the many defectors from the communist bloc countries who have testified about the importance of the UN in the Soviet scheme of things is former KGB operative Ladislav Bittman. In his book THE KGB AND SOVIET DISINFORMATION: AN INSIDER'S VIEW , Bittman wrote: The United Nations is an international organiation that deserves special attention for the role it plays in overt and clandestine propaganda campaigns conducted by the Soviets. As an organization that helps to shape world public opinion and plays a vital peacekeeping role, the United Nations is a major battlefield for the Soviet Union and the United States... But the Soviet Union maintains the most impressive intelligence organization, consisting of the largest single concentration of Soviet spies anywhere in the West... Spying in New York is so pervasive that some diplomats refer to the United Nations as "the stock exchange of global intelligence operations."(27) Arkady Shevchenko, who was an under-secretary-general at the UN when he defected in 1978, has described the United Nations as a "gold mine for Russian spying."(28) The most senior Soviet official to defect to the West, Shevchenko was a personal assistant to Soviet Foreign Secretary Andrei Gromyko from 1970 to 1973. He then became Under-Secretary-General for Political and Security Council Affairs at the United Nations. Shevchenko confirmed what anticommunists had been saying all along: The Soviet Politburo regarded detente as simply "a tactical manoeuvre which would in no way supersede the Marxist-Leninist idea of the final victory of the worldwide revolutionary process."(29) And the United Nations was continuing to play an essential role in that process. "In spite of this and other exposures," said Pincher in 1985, "the International Department and the KGB have not reduced the scale of their operations out of the United Nations and its offshoots, being unable to resist the facility, denied to ordinary diplomats, that renders UN staff free to travel, without restriction, in the countries where they are based."(30) KGB defector Oleg Gordievsky gave a similar assessment: The size of the KGB presence in both the United States and the UN delegation in New York increased more rapidly at the height of detente than at any other period: from about 120 officers in 1970 to 220 in 1975. At the very moment when the London residency was being sharply cut back, those in the United States were almost doubling in size.(31) It should be of no small concern to American taxpayers to learn that they have been subsidizing these KGB campaigns of espionage, subversion, and disinformation against their own country. In his massive 1974 study, KGB: THE SECRET WORK OF SOUIET SECRET AGENTS, John Barron revealed: The KGB derives still another advantage from placing its officers on the United Nations payroll. Since the United States pays 25 percent of the entire U.N. operating budget, it pays 25 percent of the bountiful salaries granted KGB officers insinuated into U.N. jobs. American taxpayers thus are compelled to finance KGB operations against themselves and the noncommunist world. Moreover, the Soviet Union requires its citizens paid by international organizations to rebate the greater part of their salaries to the government. Thus, it actually makes money each time it plants a KGB officer in the U.N.(32) The UN has also proved useful for the opportunity it offers the Soviets to make contact with and transfer funds to their agents in the CPUSA. John Barron's KGB TODAY: THE HIDDEN HAND (1983) reported concerning the Soviet modus operandi: From the United Nations, KGB officers additionally maintain clandestine contact with the U.S. Communist Party, delivering money and instructions in behalf of the International Department. The U.S. Party exists almost entirely on secret Soviet subsidies...(33) Considering the fact that locating the UN headquarters in the United States, and in New York City in particular, has afforded the enemies of America unparalleled opportunities for espionage, sabotage, terrorism, propaganda, subversion, and disinformation, it is important to note how the site for the world-body's headquarters was chosen. Americans have been encouraged to believe that the decision to build the United Nations in the United States was a great diplomatic coup for our country. Nothing could be more patently false. In reality, it was exactly what the communists and oneworlders wanted. In his book In the CAUSE OF PEACE, the UN's first elected secretary-general described the "long and heated discussions" concerning the future location of the permanent headquarters. Lie and many of his fellow socialists saw the merit of establishing the UN in the U.S. to overcome America's "isolationism." Lie asked: "Why not locate the headquarters of the future international organization within the United States' own borders, so that the concept of international cooperation could match forces on the spot with those of its archenemy, isolationism -- utilizing at all times the American people's own democratic media?"(34) The Kremlin certainly could see the merit of the plan. Lie wrote: The Americans declared their neutrality as soon as the Preparatory Commission opened its deliberations. The Russians disappointed most Western Europeans by coming out at once for a site in America... ... Andrei Gromyko of the U.S.S.R. had come out flatly for the United States. As to where in the United States, let the American Government decide, he had blandly told his colleagues. Later the Soviet Union modified its stand to support the east coast.(35) Even so, these best-laid plans almost fell apart for lack of funds to purchase a site. At that point, Lie said, he advised New York Mayor William O'Dwyer to "Get in touch with Nelson Rockefeller tonight by phone." With the help of Nelson Rockefeller (CFR), Lie and his UN team were soon in "secret consultations with the Rockefeller brothers and with their father, John D. Rockefeller, Jr." In very short order the Rockefellers produced "a gift of $8,500,000 with which to purchase the East River property as a Headquarters site."(36) The More Things Change ... The world's most famous capitalists provided the Kremlin with an incredible bonanza. But that is all ancient history, according to current prevailing wisdom. As most news stories have it, the Soviet KGB has been disbanded and its archives completely thrown open. The Cold War is now over. Or is it? On October 24, 1991, the WALL STREET JOURNAL'S deputy features editor Amity Shlaes commented on evidence indicating that the UN Secretariat headquartered in New York City was still under the domination of old-line communists and Third World Marxist ideologues. Shlaes wrote that rather than becoming "the cornerstone in President Bush's oft-mentioned 'new world order.' ... [M]any of those working within the Secretariat, or at its missions in its vicinity, argue that communism left a legacy... 'It works like a scorpion's stinger,' says one U.N. professional. 'The scorpion -- East bloc socialism -- dies. But the stinger remains poisonous, and strikes new victims."' Shlaes reported that "Westerners who worked at the U.N. ... found themselves surrounded by what many have called a communist mafia." The KGB has undergone a number of recent permutations, but to paraphrase Mark Twain, reports of its death are highly exaggerated. Zdzislaw Rurarz, the former Polish ambassador to Japan who defected to the United States in 1981, was one of the few Soviet experts to take notice of Boris Yeltsin's sinister new security superagency, the MSIA. Rurarz reported in January 1992 that Boris's MSIA "is an amalgam of four previously existing institutions: the USSR MVD, or the Ministry of Internal Affairs, the Russian MVD, the ISS, or Interrepublican Security Service, which was mainly the former KGB, and the FSA, the Federal Security Agency, or the Russian equivalent of the former KGB." "The MSIA has inherited the network of informers and collaborators of the former KGB and ISS which was in place throughout the USSR. Why," asks Rurarz, "should Russia need such a network in the remaining former Soviet republics, now 'independent states'?"(37) An obvious question -- that yields an obvious answer -- except to "liberals" who are too busy planning new welfare schemes on which to spend the "peace dividend," and to "conservatives" who are too busy celebrating and congratulating themselves on their victory over communism. Commenting on the Kremlin security reshuffling, Albert L. Weeks wrote in April 1992 that the "new" Russian agency under Viktor Barannikov "means that 500,000 officials and informers function today as a separate entity, going about their business largely as before. Thousands of other ex-KGBists work for Yevgeny Primakov, director of t.hc Russian Foreign Intelligence Agency." Dr. Weeks, professor emeritus of New York University and author of numerous articles and books about the Soviet Union, also noted that "90-95% of middle-ranking KGB officiers remain in the same positions as before the August, 1991, coup attempt, according to a recent defector..."(38) The "thawing" of U.S.-Russian relations has NOT ended Communist espionage and disinformation activities in the West. To the contrary, it appears to have added new impetus to these operations in many areas. According to R. Patrick Watson, deputy assistant director of the FBI's intelligence division, "It is clear that the foreign intelligence threat from the Soviet Union has not abated, and in fact it has become more difficult to counter." Watson, addressing the National Security Institute on March 13, 1991, said: "In recent months the KGB has emphasized the recruitment of scientists and businessmen to obtain information of economic value." Watson said the KGB and its military counterpart, the GRU, have intensified their efforts and regularly plant their agents in groups of Soviets visiting the United States. A primary task of these agents is to identify Americans with access to technology or information sought by their organizations.(39) In October 1992, FBI spokesman Steve Markardt confirmed that the espionage agencies of the East European bloc and the "former" Soviet Union "are still highly active in this country engaged in espionage ... particularly against economic and technological targets."(40) As KGB defector Anatoliy Golitsyn revealed, however, espionage -- the stealing of technology and state secrets -- has always been of minor importance compared to the KGB's primary purpose of STRATEGIC DECEPTION. Golitsyn, arguably the most important Soviet agent ever to defect to the West, exposed the inner workings and methodology of this critically important disinformation process. He demonstrated how, time after time, the Soviets had thoroughly deceived the West concerning developments in the USSR and Moscow's geopolitical objectives. Through the use of elaborate, long-range programs of strategic deception, the Kremlin has been incredibly successful, he showed, at manipulating the policy decisions of Western governments. Golitsyn's signal warning to the West, NEW LIES FOR OLD,(41) published in the prophetic year 1984, has proven to be the most reliable and prescient commentary on the acclaimed changes in the communist world. Years before they occurred, Golitsyn predicted the "liberalization" policies in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, the glasnost and perestroika campaigns, the rise of independence movements, the political restructuring, the ascendance of "liberal" LEADERS like Gorbachev and Yeltsin, the dismantling of the Berlin Wall, the breakup of the USSR, the dissolution of the Communist Party, the dismantling of the KGB, and many other developments. He was able to do this with such uncanny accuracy because he had been involved, as a member of the KGB inner circle on strategic disinformation, in planning these types of deceptions. What Golitsyn apparently did not know was that the suicidal course we are taking is not so much the result of our leaders being duped by "masters of deceit" in the Kremlin as it is a case of one-world Insiders in the West, conjointly with his former KGB masters, deceiving the American public in order to build the ultimate monopoly: world government. Space permitting, a great deal more evidence could be cited demonstrating the dangerous folly of current wishful thinking regarding the "demise" of the KGB. Suffice to say, the world's most ruthless and bloody-handed police-state apparatus has not transformed itself into a benign bunch of Boy Scouts or a superfluous bureaucracy. Nor has it abandoned its "stock exchange of global intelligence operations" at the UN. CHAPTER 5 The Drive for World Government [T]here is going to be no steady progress in civilization or self-government among the more backward peoples until some kind of international system is created which will put an end to the diplomatic struggles incident to the attempt of every nation to make itself secure... The real problem today is that of world government.(1) -- Philip Kerr Foreign Affairs, December 1922 There is no indication that American public opinion, for example, would approve the establishment of a super state, or permit American membership in it. In other words time -- a long time -- will be needed before world government is politically feasible... [T]his time element might seemingly be shortened so far as American opinion is concerned by an active propaganda campaign in this country...(2) -- Allen W. Dulles (CFR) and Beatrice Pitney Lamb Foreign Policy Association, 1946 [T]here is no longer a question of whether or not there will be world government by the year 2000. As 1 see it, the questions we should be addressing to ourselves are: how it will come into being -- by cataclysm, drift, more or less rational design -- and whether it will be totalitarian, benignly elitist, or participatory (the probabilities being in that order.)(3) -- Saul H. Mendlovitz, director World Order Models Project, 1975 A major obstacle to alerting Americans about plans to cancel our national sovereignty and personal freedoms and to submerge the United States in a world government is the dissembling double-talk and outright lying routinely employed by the world government advocates. While groups like Planetary Citizens, the World Federalist Association, the Association of World Citizens, the Committee to Frame a World Constitution, the World Constitution and Parliament Association, the World Association for World Federation, etc. have usually flown their world government flag openly, the Council on Foreign Relations and other Establishment groups seeking world government prefer to obfuscate their aims with terms like "collective security," "the rule of law," "world law," "global institutions," "interdependence," and "world order." As we have already shown and will further demonstrate, the CFR and its influential members are also on record favoring and promoting world government. However, most of these public CFR utterances have appeared in publications and speeches intended for a select, sympathetic audience where the NEW WORLD ORDER adepts can "unblushingly" (in the words of Lincoln Bloomfield) contemplate and discuss "world government."(4) World government is not a subject to which most Americans, or other peoples of the world for that matter, give much serious thought. However, if John Q. Citizen does become cognizant of and disturbed about the threat of an emerging global leviathan, and if he expresses this concern to his congressman, senator, or local newspaper editor, he either meets with derisive charges that he is chasing chimera, or he is provided with solemn denials that plans for world government are even being considered. This writer experienced a typical example of this derision/denial paradigm in November 1990 at a branch of Purdue University in Fort Wayne, Indiana. The occasion was a Citizens Forum to discuss "America's Role in the New World Order." It featured as its three leading participants: Charles William Maynes (CFR), editor of FOREIGN POLICY; Pulitzer Prize-winning columnist David Broder; and Senator Richard Lugar (R-IN), former chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. All three of these Establishment internationalists enthusiastically touted the newly enhanced role of the United Nations as a result of the Persian Gulf War and embraced President Bush's oft-mentioned NEW WORLD ORDER. Attending as a member of the press, I questioned each of them concerning the meaning of the term "NEW WORLD ORDER" and its relationship to "a strengthened UN." All denied that there were any plans to transform the UN into a world government. " Nobody even talks about world government anymore, or seriously considers it," said Charles Maynes. People gave up on that idea 30 years ago." Maynes, whose journal is published by the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, one of the premier fountains of world government propaganda, obviously knows better because he regularly publishes the Establishment world order line. Most Americans, however, find it difficult to believe that individuals in prestigious positions, like Maynes, the* senator, or the President, would lie to them or deceive them. But it is time to face facts: The historical record and the unfolding of current events patently contradict the denials and expose them for lies. It daily becomes more obvious that the world government advocates are pushing toward their goal with increased zeal and audacity. At the time of the Purdue conference, President Bush was pressing for the most far-reaching transfers of authority, prestige, and power to the United Nations that have taken place since its founding. Under the pretext of saving the people of Kuwait from the "naked aggression" of Saddam Hussein, he trumpeted his "NEW WORLD ORDER" gospel almost daily, even including as its centerpiece a call for new military muscle for the world body. In the succeeding months, as we have mentioned in previous chapters, he went even further, supporting UN Secretary-General Boutros-Ghali's call for a permanent UN Army and pledging America's economic and military support for the revolutionary venture. Extensive Evidence of Intent Anyone who is willing to spend a little time in a library researching this issue will have little difficulty verifying that the movement for world government has been underway in earnest for many decades. It has been led and supported by CFR members and their kindred spirits for most of this century. They have left a revealing trail of books, articles, studies, proclamation, and other documents, some blatantly obvious, others more discreetly veiled -- that unmistakably confirm their intention. During the 1930s, '40s, and '50s, many influential works by noted political leaders and intellectuals openly called for the supplanting of national governments by a one-world government. In his 1940 book, THE NEW WORLD ORDER, for instance, popular British novelist and historian H. G. Wells denounced "nationalist individualism" as "the world's disease" and proposed ag an alternative a "collectivist one-world state."(5) Wells, a leading member of the Fabian Socialist Society, stated further: [T]hese two things, the manifest necessity for some collective world control to eliminate warfare and the less generally admitted necessity for a collective control of the economic and biological life of mankind, are ASPECTS OF ONE AND THE SAME PROCESS.(6) [Emphasis in original] That same year saw publication of THE CITY OF MAN: A DECLARATION ON WORLD DEMOCRACY, which called for a "new order" where "All states, deflated and disciplined, must align themselves under the law of the world-state..."(7) Penned by radical theologian Reinhold Niebuhr, socialist philosopher Lewis Mumford, and other famous literati, it was greeted with critical acclaim by the CFR Establishment media. "Universal peace," these one-worlders declared, "can be founded only on the unity of man under one law and one government."(8) No, they were not envisioning the Second Coming of Jesus Christ and a world subject to God's rule; they had in mind a worldly kingdom of their own making. In the fall of 1945, immediately following the UN founding conference in San Francico, some of America's most famous educators met at the Rockefeller-endowed University of Chicago to propose the creation of an Institute of World Government. Their proposal resulted in the Committee to Frame a World Constitution, under the chairmanship of University of Chicago Chancellor Robert Maynard Hutchins.(9) Chancellor Hutchins was the Establishment's golden boy" of academe and the logical choice to lead the One-World crusade among the nation's intelligentsia. The Committee was heavy with "Hutchins' boys" from the University of Chicago faculty: Mortimer Adler, Richard McKeon, Robert Redfield, Wilbur Katz, and Rexford Guy Tugwell. They were joined by such luminaries as Stringfellow Barr (St. John's College), Albert Guerard (Stanford), Harold Innis (Toronto), Charles McIlwain (Harvard), and Erich Kahler (Princeton).(10) In 1948, the Committee unveiled its PRELIMINARY DRAFT OF A WORLD CONSTITUTION, published by the University of Chicago Press.(11) The principal author of this document was the Committee's secretary-general, G.A. Borgese, a renowned author of books dealing with literary criticism, history, and political science and a professor of romance languages at the University of Chicago. The following year, Senator Glen Taylor of Idaho introduced a resolution in the U.S. Senate stating that "the present Charter of the United Nations should be changed to provide a true world government constitution."(12) Authored by Borgese, Hutchins, Tugwell, et al., it was reintroduced in 1950.(13) John Foster Dulles (CFR), who would become President Eisenhower's first Secretary of State, added his considerable influence to the world government campaign in 1950 with the publication of his book, WAR OR PEACE. "THE UNITED NATIONS," he wrote, "represents not a final stage in the development of world order, but only a primitive stage. Therefore its primary task is to create the conditions which will make possible a more highly developed organization."(14) A founding member of the CFR and one of Colonel House's young proteges, Dulles was a delegate to the UN founding conference. He had married into the Rockefeller family and eventually served as chairman of both the Rockefeller Foundation and the Carnegie Endowment. It was Chairman Dulles who chose Communist Alger Hiss to be president of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.(15) Earlier, Dulles had turned his attention toward religion and, in 1941, had become the first chairman of the Commission on a Just and Durable Peace of the subversive Federal Council of Churches. The efforts to draft a set of internationalist principles on which peace might be built sounded to him, he said, like an echo of the Gospels.(16) His commission's first order of business was to pass a resolution proclaiming that ... a world of irresponsible, competing and unrestrained national sovereignties, whether acting alone or in alliance or in coalition, is a world of international anarchy. It must make place for a higher and more inclusive authority.(17) Dulles's credentials as a certified, top-level Establishment Insider intimately involved in the design and creation of the UN make this following quote from War or Peace especially significant. He wrote: I have never seen any proposal made for collective security with "teeth" in it, or for "world government" or for "world federation," which could not be carried out either by the United Nations or under the United Nations Charter.(18) That same year, 1950, fellow one-world Insider James P. Warburg (CFR) would testify before the Senate Foreign Relations Subcommittee, claiming: We shall have world government, whether or not we like it. The question is only whether world government will be achieved by consent or by conquest.(19) Additional intellectual ammunition for the campaign came with publication of FOUNDATIONS OF THE WORLD REPUBLIC by Professor Borgese in 1953. There was no mistaking the book's intent; the publisher (again, the University of Chicago Press) had this to say in the opening sentences of the promotional fly-leaf of the book's dust jacket: WORLD GOVERNMENT, asserts Mr. Borgese, is inevitable. It will be born in one of two ways. It may come as a World Empire, with mass enslavement imposed by the victor of World War III; or it may take the form of a World Federal Republic, established by gradual integration of the United Nations.(20) [Emphasis in original] Immediately below that promotional blurb appeared this endorsement from University of Chicago Professor Robert Redfield: "This book is about the necessary interdependence of peace, justice, and power. It is an argument for world government. It is a revelation that justice is, in the end, love." At about the same time Saturday Review was candidly editorializing: If UNESCO is attacked on the grounds that it is helping to prepare the world's peoples for world government, then it is an error to burst forth with apologetic statements and denials. Let us face it: the job of UNESCO is to help create and promote the elements of world citizenship. When faced with such a "charge," let us by all means affirm it from the housetops.(21) Lewis Mumford added more endorsements for the idea of a world state with statements like the following from THE TRANSFORMATIONS OF MAN: [T]he destiny of mankind, after its long preparatory period of separation and differentiation, is at last to become one... This unity is on the point of being politically expressed in a world government that will unite nations and regions in transactions beyond their individual capacity...(22) In his 1959 book THE WEST IN CRISIS, CFR member James P. Warburg (who was also an Insider banker, economist and former member of FDR's socialist "brain trust") proclaimed: ... a world order without world law is an anachronism ... since war now means the extinction of civilization, a world which fails to establish the rule of law over the nation-states cannot long continue to exist. We are living in a perilous period of transition from the era of the fully sovereign nation-state to the era of world government.(23) Moreover, said Warburg, we must initiate "a deliberate search for methods and means by which American children may best be educated into ... responsible citizens not merely of the United States but of the world."(24) In 1960, Atlantic Union Committee treasurer Elmo Roper (CFR) delivered an address and authored a pamphlet, both of which were entitled, "The Goal is Government of All the World." In his appeal for global rule, Roper said: "For it becomes clear that the first step toward world government cannot be completed until we have advanced on the four fronts: the economic, the military, the political, and the social."(25) Just the Tip of the Iceberg We have, thus far, barely scratched the surface of the massive accumulation of world-government propaganda issued during the past several decades. Several additional chapters could easily be devoted to further presentation of examples from Establishment sources. We could turn to the late Norman Cousins (CFR, Planetary Citizens, United World Federalists, editor of SATURDAY REVIEW), a one-worlder who tended to wear his colors openly. On Earth Day, April 22,1970, he asserted, "Humanity needs a world order. The fully sovereign nation is incapable of dealing with the poisoning of the environment... The management of the planet, therefore -- whether we are talking about the need to prevent war or the need to prevent ultimate damage to the conditions of life -- requires a world-government."(26) We could also cite the HUMANIST MANIFESTO n (1973), a blatantly anti-Christian, anti-American document openly endorsed by some of America's most prominent authors, educators, academicians, scientists, and philosophers. It declares: We deplore the division of humankind on nationalistic grounds. We have reached a turning point in human history where the best option is to TRANSCEND THE LIMITS OF NATIONAL SOVEREIGNTY and to move toward the building of a world community... a system of world law and a world order based upon transnational federal government.(27) [Emphasis in original] It would also be worthwhile to discuss the campaign during the 1960s and '70s for A CONSTITUTION FOR THE WORLD, another effort of Messrs. Tugwell, Hutchins, et al., funded and promoted by the Ford Foundation through the Fund for the Republic and the Center for the Study o Democratic Institutions.(28) Or, we could examine the growing momentum behind more recent efforts, such as those of the World Constitution and Parliament Association, which have attracted the support of political figures, jurists, celebrities, and intellectuals from 85 countries. In 1991, the World Constitution and Parliament Association launched a "3-year intensive global ratification campaign" for a proposed "Constitution for the Federation of Earth." The organization enjoys the support of such "Honorary Sponsors" as Nobel laureates George Wald, Glenn T. Seaborg (CFR), and Desmond Tutu, and other notables such as actor Ed Asner, SCIENTIFIC AMERICAN editor and publisher Gerard Piel (CFR), SWAPO terrorist leader and President of Namibia Sam Nujoma, psychologist Kenneth Clark, and former Attorney General Ramsey Clark.(29) We have space here, however, for presentation of only a small selection of material out of a vast deposit of globalist agit-prop. Those who require more evidence to become convinced that Americans have been subjected to -- and are being subjected to -- a conscious, well-orchestrated, long-range propaganda campaign by the CFR Establishment and its vast network of transmission belts and allies need only spend some time in a major library perusing the literature under the subject headings "world government," "world order," "interdependence," "internationalism," and "globalism." Attacks on National Sovereignty However, while many of the passages we have cited are straightforward appeals for world government, the CFR Insiders and their one-world propagandists more frequently resort to the oblique approach of advancing "world order" through attacks on national sovereignty. Since a one-world government is impossible as long as nations retain their sovereign powers to conduct their own affairs as they see fit, it makes sense for the globalists to undermine the whole concept of national sovereignty. Over a period of time, the peoples of the world might be convinced gradually to surrender aspects of national sovereignty to international institutions until, ultimately, world government is an established fact. This internationalist theme was delivered to the FOREIGN AFFAIRS reading audience 70 years ago in the December 1922 Foreign Affairs, the CFR journal's second issue: "Obviously there is going to be no peace or prosperity for mankind, so long as it remains divided into fifty or sixty independent states."(30) The problem for the CFR was overcoming the American people's "sovereignty fetish." The Council pondered this difficulty in its 1944 publication entitled AMERICAN PUBLIC OPINION AND POSTWAR SECURITY COMMITMENTS. Therein we find: The sovereignty fetish is still so strong in the public mind, that there would appear to be little chance of winning popular assent to American membership in anything approaching a super-state organization. Much will depend on the kind of approach which is used in further popular education.(31) The gradualist approach, as outlined for instance in The International Problem of Governing Mankind, by Columbia University professor and later World Court justice Philip C. Jessup (CFR), was the strategy most often adopted by the Insider internationalists. "I agree that national sovereignty is the root of the evil," Jessup wrote in his 1947 book. But, he noted: "The question of procedure remains. Can the root be pulled up by one mighty revolutionary heave, or should it first be loosened by digging around it and cutting the rootlets one by one?"(32) Like most of his elitist confreres, he opted for the piecemeal approach. Archetypal CFR Insider and former FDR Secretary of the Treasury Henry Morgenthau recognized the need for the step-by-step approach: "We can hardly expect the nation-state to make itself superfluous, at least not overnight. Rather what we must aim for is recognition in the minds of all responsible statesmen that they are really nothing more than caretakers of a bankrupt international machine which will have to be transformed slowly into a new one. The transition will not be dramatic, but a gradual one. People will still cling to national symbols."(33) Years later, in 1975, former Secretary of the Treasury C. Douglas Dillon, an ardent CFR globalist and honorary chairman of the Institute for World Order, admitted that it would still "take a while before people in this country as a whole will be ready for any substantial giving-up of sovereignty to handle global problems."(34) Not that members of the CFR crowd were taking a lackadaisical attitude. Far from it -- they had been engaged in full-scale sovereignty-bashing for decades. In his 1960 book THE UNITED STATES IN THE WORLD ARENA, Walt Whitman Rostow (CFR), who would rise to become chairman of the State Department's Policy Planning Board and the President's national security advisor, declared: [I]t is a legitimate American national objective to see removed from all nations -- including the United States -- the right to use substantial military force to pursue their own interests. Since this residual right is the root of national sovereignty and the basis for the existence of an international arena of power, it is, therefore, an American interest to SEE AN END TO NATIONHOOD as it has been historically defined.(35) [Emphasis added] That kind of statement -- literally advocating an end to our nation and our constitutional system of government -- should have immediately disqualified Rostow for any government position. It would be impossible for him, in good faith, to take the oath of office to defend and protect the U.S. Constitution while adhering to such a position. However, quite to the contrary, it was this very same subversive, internationalist commitment that guaranteed his promotion by fellow one-world Insiders. Meanwhile, on Capitol Hill, the war against national sovereignty was being led by the likes of Senator J. William Fulbright, longtime chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee and one of the most influential members of Congress. In his 1964 book Old Myths and New Realities, Fulbright declared: Indeed, the concept of national sovereignty has become in our time a principle of international anarchy...(36) * * * ... the sovereign nation can no longer serve as the ultimate unit of personal loyalty and responsibility.(37) New York Governor and perennial presidential aspirant Nelson Rockefeller also certified his globalist credentials with frequent attacks on nationalism. Echoing the familiar Establishment theme at the 1962 Godkin lectures at Harvard University, he averred that "the nation-state, standing alone, threatens, in many ways, to seem as anachronistic as the Greek city-state eventually became in ancient times."(38) In his Harvard lectures, published in 1964 under the title THE FUTURE OF FEDERALISM, Rockefeller warned against the "fever of nationalism" and declared that "the nation-state is becoming less and less competent to perform its international political tasks."(39) His solutions? "All these, then, are some of the reasons -- economic, military, political -- pressing us to lead vigorously toward the true building of a NEW WORLD ORDER."(40) [Emphasis added] "More specifically, I hope and urge," stated Mr. Rockefeller, "... there will evolve the bases for a federal structure of the free world."(41) In his 1972 book WORLD WITHOUT BORDERS, Worldwatch Institute President Lester Brown (CFR) noted the continuing "problem" faced by himself and his fellow globalists: "Needless to say, sovereign nation-states steadfastly resist the transfer of power necessary to create strong supranational institutions."(42) He continued: There is discussion from time to time on the need for a full-fledged world government. Realistically, this is not likely to come about in the short run. If we can build some of the supranational institutions that are needed in various areas ... adding them to the International Monetary Fund, INTELSAT and the many others already in existence, these will eventually come to constitute an effective, though initial]y limited world government.(43) The "existing international system," Brown has declared, "... must be replaced by a NEW WORLD ORDER."(44) [Emphasis added] "Declaration of INTERdependence" One of the Insiders' most audacious propaganda gambits in support of the new world order was the world-government-promoting "Declaration of INTERdependence," unveiled in 1975 during the planning for our nation's 1976 bicentennial.(45) Sponsored by the World Affairs Council of Philadelphia and written by Establishment historian Henry Steele Commager (CFR), the "Declaration of INTERdependence" turned the Founding Fathers upside-down, declaring: When in the course of history the threat of extinction confronts mankind, it is necessary for the people of The United States to declare their INTERDEPENDENCE with the people of all nations... To establish a NEW WORLD ORDER of compassion, peace, justice and security, it is essential that mankind free itself from the limitations of national prejudice, and acknowledge ... that all people are part of one global community... [Emphasis added] The document's penultimate paragraph, and its real raison d'etre, declares: "We affirm that A WORLD WITHOUT LAW IS A WORLD WITHOUT ORDER, and we call upon all nations TO STRENGTHEN AND TO SUSTAIN THE UNITED NATIONS and its specialized agencies, and other institutions of world order..." [Emphasis added] Amazingly, 124 members of Congress endorsed this attack on our constitutional system of limited government. One of those who did not support this declaration was the late Congressman John Ashbrook (R-OH), who charged: Unlike the Declaration of Independence, whose great hallmarks are guarantees of individual personal freedom and dignity for all Americans and an American Nation under God, the declaration abandons those principles in favor of cultural relativism, international citizenship, and supremacy over all nations by a world government. The declaration of interdependence is an attack on loyalty to American freedom and institutions, which the document calls "chauvinistic nationalism," "national prejudice," and "narrow notions of national sovereignty."(46) To accompany, promote, and expand upon the "Declaration of INTERdependence," the World Affairs Council of Philadelphia and the Aspen Institute published THE THIRD TRY AT WORLD ORDER: U.S. POLICY FOR AN INTERDEPENDENT WORLD written by Harlan Cleveland (CFR).* In that book, Cleveland, a former Assistant Secretary of State and U.S. Ambassador to NATO, lamented that the first try at "world order" collapsed with the failure to secure U.S. entry into the League of Nations and that the second failure resulted from a United Nations that was not invested with sufficient authority and power to enact and enforce world law.(47) * Like many of his fellow Establishment Insiders -- Walt and Eugene Rostow, Dean Acheson, John McCloy, and Robert McNamara -- Cleveland had a long career on the far left that is worthy of note. Dr. Francis X. Gannon, in his authoritative BIOGRAPHICAL DICTIONARY OF THE LEFT, recorded: "At Princeton, Cleveland was president of the Anti-War Society for three years and in the Princeton yearbook he listed himself as a 'Socialist.'" Intelligence expert Frank A. Capell reported in his column for THE REVIEW OF THE NEWS for August 21, 1974: Cleveland wrote articles for Far Eastern Survey and Pacific Affairs, publications of the Institute of Pacific Relations, a subversive organization described by the Senate Judiciary Committee as 'an instrument of Communist policy, propaganda and military intelligence.' He worked with John Abt and other key Reds on the staff of the LaFollette Civil Liberties Committee. He worked as deputy to Soviet agent Harold Glasser inside U.N.R.R.A. [United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration] and took part in 'Operation Keelhaul,' sending nearly five million Europeans into Russian concentration camps." William J. Gill's shocking 1969 expose of the extensive subversion in the U.S. government, THE ORDEAL OF OTTO OTEPKA (New Rochelle, NY: Arlington House), devotes more than two chapters to the pro-communist exploits of Harlan Cleveland. After having been brought into the State Department during the Kennedy Administration on a security waiver signed by Dean Rusk, Cleveland began to load up his staff with other security risks. One of those he tried to hire was his longtime friend Irving Swerdlow, who had been discharged eight years earlier as a security risk. He then stunned Otto Otepka, the chief of the State Department's personnel security, by asking: "What are the chances of getting Alger Hiss back into the Government?" In 1962, the State Department's Advisory Committee on International Organizations, chaired by Cleveland, attempted to devise an end run around the security checks on Americans employed by the United Nations. The new security procedures had been instituted in the wake of the Hiss espionage scandal and the revelations that he and his brother, Donald Hiss, had personally recruited more than 200 people for UN jobs. (For further information, see also STATE DEPARTMENT SECURITY 1963-65: THE OTEPKA CASE, Senate Internal Security Subcommittee Hearings, 1963-65.) According to Cleveland, the "third try," now underway, is an attempt to arrive at "world governance" piecemeal, by strengthening the UN to deal with various global "crises" involving, for instance, "the global environment," "food reserve[s]," "energy supplies," " fertility rates," "military stalemate," and "conflict in a world of proliferating weapons."(48) It was a recapitulation of what he had written in 1964 in the foreword to Richard N. Gardner's book, IN PURSUIT OF WORLD ORDER, wherein Cleveland stated: "A decent world order will only be built brick by brick."(49) Piece by Piece, Brick by Brick CFR luminary Richard N. Gardner took this same message of patient, persistent plodding to the Council's members and followers in 1974, with his now-famous article in FOREIGN AFFAIRS entitled "The Hard Road to World Order." Since hopes for "instant world government" had proven illusory, he wrote, "the house of world order" would have to be built through "an end run around national sovereignty, eroding it piece by piece." This could be done, he noted, on an ad hoc basis with treaties and international "arrangements" that could later be brought within "the central institutions of the U.N. system."(50) As we shall see, this gradualist road to world order, as outlined by Jessup, Cleveland, Gardner, et al. -- "root by root," "brick by brick," "piece by piece" -- has been followed assiduously by the one-worlders and is now rapidly approaching completion. However, even at this late hour, it still is not too late to throw a wrench into their well-oiled machine and topple their planned "house of world order" like a house of cards. ------------------------------------------------ (This file was found elsewhere on the Internet and uploaded to the Patriot FTP site by S.P.I.R.A.L., the Society for the Protection of Individual Rights and Liberties. E-mail alex@spiral.org)